Economic Instruments in Environmental Protection in Denmark
Contents
1.
Introduction
2. The
overall framework
2.1 Basic
information about Denmark
2.2 State of the environment
2.2.1. Climate and nature
2.2.2. Air
2.2.3. Water
2.2.4. Waste
2.3. Legislative and institutional framework
2.3.1. The legal framework
2.3.2. Legislative relations to
European Union (EU)
2.3.3. Institutional framework
2.4. Trends and challenges
3. Economic instruments in environmental
protection
3.1. Types of economic instruments
3.2. Categorisation
3.3. Taxes, charges, and user fees
3.4. Subsidies and other measures
3.4.1. Subsidies
3.4.2. Other measures
3.5. Use of the revenue and purpose of the
instrument
3.6. Economic instruments in Denmark
4. Overview of economic instruments in
Denmark
4.1. Taxes and charges
4.2. User fees and subsidies
4.3. Economic and environmental sectors
4.4. Incidence and distribution effects
5. Product taxes and charges
5.1. Energy taxes
5.1.1. Purpose
5.1.2. Tax base
5.1.3. Collection and revenue
5.1.4. Assessment
5.2. Taxes on motor vehicles
5.2.1. Purpose
5.2.2. Tax base
5.2.3. Collection and revenue
5.2.4. Assessment
5.3. Tax on vehicle fuels
5.3.1. Purpose
5.3.2. Tax-base
5.3.3. Collection and revenue
5.3.4. Assessment
5.4. Tax on tap water
5.4.1. Purpose
5.4.2. Tax base
5.4.3. Collection and revenue
5.4.4. Assessment
5.5. Tax on certain retail containers
5.5.1. Purpose
5.5.2. Tax base
5.5.3. Collection and revenue
5.5.4. Assessment
5.6. Tax on disposable tableware
5.6.1. Purpose
5.6.2. Tax base
5.6.3. Collection and revenue
5.6.4. Assessment
5.7. CFC and halons tax
5.7.1. Purpose
5.7.2. Tax base
5.7.3. Collection and revenue
5.7.4. Assessment
5.8. Chlorinated solvents
5.8.1.Purpose
5.8.2. Tax base
5.8.3. Collection and revenue
5.8.4. Assessment
5.9. Pesticides
5.9.1. Purpose
5.9.2. Tax base
5.9.3. Collection and revenue
5.9.4. Assessment
5.10. Tax on growth promoters
5.10.1. Purpose
5.10.2. Tax base
5.10.3. Collection and revenue
5.10.4. Assessment
5.11. Tax on NiCd-batteries
5.11.1. Purpose
5.11.2. Tax base
5.11.3. Collection and revenue
5.11.4. Assessment
6. Effluent taxes
6.1. CO2tax
6.1.1. Purpose
6.1.2. Tax base
6.1.3. Collection, agreements and revenue
6.1.4. Assessment
6.2. SO2tax
6.2.1. Purpose
6.2.2. Tax base
6.2.3. Collection and revenue
6.2.4. Assessment
6.3. Tax on waste and raw materials
6.3.1. Purpose
6.3.2. Tax base
6.3.3. Collection and revenue
6.3.4. Assessment
6.4. Sewage tax
6.4.1. Purpose
6.4.2. Tax base
6.4.3. Collection and revenue
6.4.4. Assessment
7.
User fees
7.1. User fees for water supply and sewage
7.1.1. Purpose
7.1.2. Basis for calculation
7.1.3. Collection and revenue
7.1.4. Assessment
7.2. Municipal waste fees
7.2.1. Purpose
7.2.2. Basis for calculation
7.2.3. Collection and revenue
7.2.4. Assessment
7.3. Road toll
7.3.1. Purpose
7.3.2. Tax-base
7.3.3. Collection and revenue
7.3.4. Assessment
8. Deposit refund system
8.1. Deposit refund system for containers
8.1.1. Introduction
8.1.2. Purpose
8.1.3. Basis for calculation
8.1.4. Collection
8.1.5. Assessment
9. Subsidies
9.1. Principles and strategies
9.2. An overview of Danish environmental
subsidies
9.3. The environmental subsidies
9.3.1. Water and the aquatic environment
9.3.2. Cleaner technology and waste recovery
9.3.3. Energy
9.3.4. Subsidies to promote CHP
9.3.5. Subsidies to
promote the utilisation of renewable energy sources
9.3.6. Promotion of energy
savings/reduction of CO2
9.3.7. Transportation
9.3.8. Agriculture
9.3.9. Environmental research
& development programmes
9.3.10. Other environmental subsidies
10. Implementation of economic
instruments in Denmark
10.1. Introduction
10.2. The concept of implementation
10.3. Implementation of Environmental Taxes
10.3.1. Announcement
10.3.2. Supervision
10.3.3. Calculation
10.3.4. Collection
10.3.5. Control
10.3.6. Sanctions
10.3.7. Monitoring
10.4. The implementation of user fees
10.5. The implementation of
user fees versus taxes and charges
10.6. Main actors in the implementation
process
10.7. Conditions
for an effective implementation of economic instruments
10.7.1. Morality and acceptability
10.7.2. Efficient collection and control
mechanisms
10.7.3. Co-ordination at ministry level
10.7.4. Simple designs facilitate
easy implementation
10.7.5. Comprehensive environmental tax
laws
10.7.6. Standardisation of tax laws
10.7.7.
Economic instruments are not vulnerable to implementation distortions
10.7.8. Conclusion
11. A case study of the Danish energy sector
11.1. Introduction
11.2. The environmental issues
11.3. Overview of the Danish energy sector
11.3.1. Danish energy supply and consumption
11.3.2. Energy markets and structure
11.4. Danish Energy Policy
11.4.1. Developments in Energy Policy
11.4.2. Environmental objectives
11.5. Taxes and charges
11.5.1. Historical developments
11.5.2. Structure and levels of taxation
on energy
11.5.3. Fiscal effects of taxes
11.5.4. Assessment of taxes
11.6. Subsidies
11.6.1. Subsidies to promote CHP
11.6.2. Subsidies
to promote the utilisation of renewable energy sources
11.6.3. Promotion of energy
savings/reduction of CO2
11.6.4. Fiscal effects of subsidies
11.6.5. Assessment of Subsidies
11.7.
The role of economic instruments in achieving environmental goals in the energy sector
11.7.1. Overall environmental results
11.7.2. Measures to reduce total energy
consumption
11.7.3. Measures to influence fuel choice
11.7.4. Measures to promote
emission abatement technologies
11.7.5. Overview and
assessment of the role of various types of instruments
11.8. Administrative aspects
11.8.1. Payment of energy and environmental
taxes
11.8.2. Assessment of administrative
requirements
A.
Annex 1 Abbreviations
B.
Annex 2 Literature
|
1. Introduction
Background
The merits of economic instruments in environmental
protection are increasingly acknowledged on a world-wide scale. The European Union
increasingly emphasises their potentials, and EU Member States have increased the use of
economic instruments in their environmental policies.
Developments in Denmark largely reflect this trend.
In the 1970s and early 1980s, environmental policy and environmental legislation in
Denmark was largely dominated by command-and-control legislation. This emphasised
end-of-pipe solutions, rather than prevention and control, and very few economic
instruments were used in environmental policy in Denmark.
During the late 1980s, and specifically during
the1990s, an increasing number of economic instruments have been put in use. Furthermore,
they have become more directly targeted towards specific environmental issues. The general
tax reform of 1994 was an important break-through in this development. The tax reform,
among other things, aimed to increase the use of environmental taxes and charges in order
to decrease income taxes.
Objective
The objective of the report is to provide a
comprehensive, thorough, and up-to-date status of the use of economic instruments in
environmental protection in Denmark. The report will thereby provide a means of experience
sharing vis-à-vis CEE countries in particular.
Report outline
The report is organised as follows:
Chapter 2: The overall framework. This
chapter provides a brief description of the overall context in which economic instruments
in environmental protection are applied in Denmark. It considers the economic,
administrative, institutional, and political framework, and it provides a brief
environmental statue.
Chapter 3: Economic instruments in environmental
protection. This chapter contains a conceptual discussion that aims to clarify and
explain the typology used in this report.
Chapter 4: Overview of economic instruments in
Denmark. This chapter provides an overview and a categorisation of all the economic
instruments in use in environmental protection in Denmark. It explains important
explanatory policy developments such as the tax reform, and it illustrates the
contribution from the economic instruments to the government budgets.
While the first three chapters are fairly general
and conceptual, the next four chapters are very instrument specific. They provide a
comprehensive description of the economic instruments that are in actual use in Denmark
and that have an environmental effect. The descriptions are organised according to the
following main headings:
Chapter 5: Product taxes and charges.
Chapter 6: Effluent taxes
Chapter 7: User fees
Chapter 8: Deposit refund systems
The description of each instrument follows an
identical outline:
| Purpose. The purpose of the specific instrument is
described. |
| Tax base. The tax base is identified and described. This
relates to both the object for taxation and to the units applied for the calculation of
the tax. |
| Collection and revenue. Means and methods for collection of
the tax are described. This also includes the means of enforcement and control. The
revenue from the tax is summarised. |
| Assessment. The instrument is briefly assessed. The
assessment considers the functioning of the instrument in question vis-à-vis its
underlying rationale and objective. The assessment does not aim to be fully comprehensive.
Rather, it aims to identify the major features effects and critical issues in regard
to the specific instrument in question. This includes also possible distributional
effects. |
Denmark applies a wide range of subsidy schemes in
the field of environmental protection. The chapter on subsidies provides an overview of
these schemes:
Chapter 9: Subsidies. This chapter provides
an overview of the 26 environmental subsidy schemes in effect in Denmark. The chapter
highlights important general features of the Danish use of subsidy schemes. It provides a
categorisation of the schemes, and it gives a more in-depth description of some of the
major schemes.
The following chapter contains a more thorough
description of the implementation aspects of the use of economic instruments in
environmental protection in Denmark:
Chapter 10: The implementation of economic
instruments in Denmark. This chapter provides a thorough analysis and description of
the implementation of economic instruments in environmental protection in Denmark. The
chapter describes the organisation of the implementation process; the public authorities
and other actors involved. Further, it identifies the principles that govern the
implementation process, and the important conditions to achieve an effective
implementation.
Chapter 11: A case study of the Danisk energy
sector. This provides an in-depth analysis of the use of economic instruments in the
energy sector. The motivation for a more detailed analysis of the energy sector is that
the several specific taxes are used in the energy sector, and that the revenue from these
taxes is quite substantial. Further, the sector is also the single most important receiver
of subsidies. The in-depth analysis of the energy sector takes into account other
regulatory measures, as well as the organisational, market-determined, and legislative
conditions of the sector. The taxes and subsidies in force are thereby analysed in a
comprehensive and integrated manner.
Use of the report
The report has been structured to facilitate its use
as a handbook. Therefore, the outline and contents of the specific chapters enable readers
of the report to consult only selected chapters and sections. This means, however, that
repetitions inevitably occur.
|
|
This chapter provides a brief description of the overall context in
Denmark for the use of economic instruments in environmental protection. The chapter
briefly considers a number of features such as economy, state of the environment,
legislative and institutional framework, and trends and challenges in Danish environmental
policy[1].
Area and population
Denmark is a rather small country with an area of 43,094 km2
distributed among 405 islands. The population counts 5.3 million people. The population
density is 122.4 persons per km2.
Administratively, Denmark is divided into 14 counties (amter),
which again are divided into 275 smaller municipalities (kommuner). The
administrative structure is illustrated in Figure 2.1.
Labour force and employment
The Danish labour force counts 2.9 million people, of which 46% are women.
The unemployment rate is at a level of 7%-8%.
Economy and trade
Denmark is among the 10 richest countries of the world. The GDP per capita
is 202,000 DKK[2].
The economic rate of growth is 2.7%. After decades of deficit, the current account has on
average been in surplus since 1990.
Foreign trade is substantial in Denmark. In 1996 the value of imports
equalled 25% of GDP, while the value of exports equalled 28% of GDP. The most important
trading partners are other EU countries. Almost 70% of trade is effectuated within the EU.
Figure 2.1.
Map: Counties and municipalities in Denmark
By tradition, agriculture plays an important role in Denmark. However, its
importance has declined steadily for many years. Today, it makes up 5% of the total value
of production in Denmark. The secondary sectors (which, among others, include
manufacturing) account for 36%, and tertiary sectors contribute the remaining 59%. The
latter figure includes service, trade, and the public sector.
Among the most important manufacturing industries in Denmark are the
chemical and medical industry, and the furniture industry. Despite its low production
share, agriculture is still an important export business. 15% of the value of Danish
export consists of agriculture products.
Public revenue
The total revenue from all taxes and duties corresponds to 52% of GDP.
Income taxes contribute 55% of the total revenue. The bulk of the remaining revenue comes
from indirect taxes (33%). In this group, the major contribution comes from the VAT. The
Danish VAT is 25%. Excluding VAT, direct taxes and charges account for 13% of the total
public revenue.
More than 60% of public expenditures accrue to public services and social
purposes. The major share is used for transfer incomes. These expenditures account for
more than 25% of total expenditures. About 10% of total expenditures are used for
educational purposes, and another 8% for health services. Slightly less than 10% of the
total public expenditures are used for purposes aimed at business and industry.
A substantial share of the total revenue is collected directly by the
counties and municipalities. Of the total income tax, the counties receive about 10%, and
the municipalities another 20%. There is a division of responsibilities in Denmark between
the municipalities, the counties and the state. The municipalities thus conduct many of
the social tasks, whereas the counties attend to the bulk of the tasks related to health
services. A system of settlements of payment ensures that, for example, the municipalities
obtain either a refund or a specific payments from the state or other municipalities in
return of the provision of the social services that they are legally obligated to provide.
The counties and the municipalities are not entitled to introduce taxes themselves, but
they may set the levels of some income taxes within certain limits.
The climate in Denmark is characterised by a relatively large variation
during the year. The annual average temperature of the year is 7.7 degrees Celsius. The
coldest month is February with an average temperature of 0 degrees Celsius, and the
warmest month is August with a temperature of 15.7 degrees Celsius. The average annual
precipitation is 712 mm., and the number of sunny hours is 1670 per year. It is often very
windy in Denmark, especially during winter.
The landscape is flat with no mountains at all. The highest point in
Denmark is only 175 m above sea level. The coastline is long; around 7,300 km and there
are many small watercourses and numerous small lakes.
Much of the land in Denmark is cultivated. Thus, 62% of the area is
utilised for fields, market gardens, orchards, and similar agricultural purposes. Today,
about 12% of the country is covered by forests. This share is slowly but steadily,
increasing as a result of a determined effort. During the next 100 years it is the
intention to double the forest area from the current 12% to 25%.
In general, the air quality in Danish towns and cities is good compared
with other industrialised countries. The air quality in Denmark has improved slightly
during the 1990s. During this period, emissions of sulphur dioxide (SO2),
nitrogen oxides (NOx), and particles have either remained
constant or slightly declined. Denmark continues to emphasise the need to reduce these
emissions.
SO2 , NOx , and
ammonia
The gases SO2, NOx,
and ammonia are the main contributors to acid rain. Typically, acid rain occurs thousands
of kilometres away from its source. By using a weighted index of acid contributors, called
Potential Acid Equivalents (PAE), it has been estimated that Denmark is a net exporter,
exporting almost twice as much as the import of PAE.
Lead
Since the early 1990s, there has been almost no lead emissions in Denmark.
This is mainly due to the complete phaseout of leaded petrol, which has not been sold in
Denmark at all since 1994.
CO2
CO2 emissions in Denmark exhibit a slightly
increasing trend. Presently, about 11.7 tons/capita[3]
are emitted annually. By and large, this corresponds to the OECD average. The government
has launched a comprehensive action plan to reduce CO2
emissions.
ODS
The consumption of ozone depleting substances (ODS) has declined
dramatically since 1986. It has been estimated that the consumption declined by 98% from
1986 to 1996[4].
Today, almost all types of ODS are phased out in Denmark. This has been achieved through a
very determined effort to comply with international obligations in regard to ODS phaseout.
Action Plan for the Aquatic Environment
In order to improve the water quality, the Danish government launched a
far-reaching Action Plan for the Aquatic Environment (I) in 1987. The plan aimed, among
other things, to reduce the discharge of nitrogen and phosphorus in Danish watercourses,
lakes, and seas. The Plan has led to a substantial improvement in the conditions for the
aquatic environment. In 1998, a political agreement on a new Aquatic Environment Plan (II)
was reached.
Ground water
Danish ground water is generally of a good quality. Only very simple
treatment is needed before it is used as tap water. 99% of the tap water comes from ground
water resources[5].
However, there are threats to the maintenance of the current good situation. Discharges of
pesticides and nitrate from agricultural production thus constitute a potential threat.
The quality of the ground water has been monitored carefully since the implementation of
the first Action Plan for the Aquatic Environment.
Surface water
There are many watercourses and lakes in Denmark. The majority of the
watercourses are protected. An index has been constructed to measure their state. It shows
that the quality has been rather stable during the period of 1993-96, and a small
improvement in recent years. Similarly to other industrialised countries, the lakes in
Denmark suffer from emissions of, for example, phosphorus and phosphate. These emissions
are gradually declining, but the resulting improvement in water quality occurs only with a
significant time lag.
The marine areas of Denmark are more than twice the size of the land area.
Therefore, fisheries have, by tradition, been an important industry in Denmark. For this,
and for other reasons, the quality of the sea is important to the country. Denmark
emphasises and takes an active role in the international efforts to improve the marine
environment in the North Sea, as well as in the Baltic Sea.
Around 13 million[6]
tons of waste is produced each year in Denmark. 80% of this comes from commercial sources
and the remaining 20% from private households[7].
Waste quantities have increased slightly in recent years. In accordance with the EU waste
hierarchy, Denmark attaches the highest priority to prevention and recycling, followed by
waste recovery. In 1996 approximately 60% of the waste was recycled or reused[8].
This may be compared with1985 when it was only 30%. The treatment of the rest of the waste
is almost equally distributed between incineration and landfills. Incineration is a common
method for the treatment of waste in Denmark, and it is prioritised over landfills. All
incineration is combined with heat recovery.
This section provides a brief overview of the Danish legislative and
institutional set-up. The section focuses on features that are relevant to the use of
economic instruments in environmental protection. A more detailed description is provided
in Chapter 10 on implementation aspects. The section first considers the legal framework
and legislative relations to the EU. This is followed by a brief overview of important
relevant national authorities and their prime tasks and responsibilities.
There are four main basic environmental Acts in Denmark:
| the Environmental Protection Act; |
| the Town and Country Planning Act; |
| the Nature Protection Act; and |
| the Watercourse Act. |
In the present context, the Environmental Protection Act is the most
important. The first Environmental Protection Act dates back to 1974 and was revised in
1991 as a part of a major legislative reform in the environmental area. The new
Environmental Protection Act went into force January 1, 1992, and has been revised
frequently since then.
The Environmental Protection Act aims to prevent and combat pollution of
the environment. It sets up the conditions and main principles for the pursuit of this
objective. It is an Enabling Act that provides the Minister of Environment with the
authority to implement the provisions of the Act through the issuance of orders and
regulations. Guidelines are also an important means of implementation.
The Act emphasises the concept of cleaner technologies as the
governing principle and the major objective of Danish environmental protection. This
concept implies that enterprises should ensure that manufacturing is undertaken in such a
way that all waste production is minimised, so that the solutions applied are advantageous
for both the environment and the enterprise. The concept of BAT (Best Available
Technology) is closely related to this. Danish rules define BAT as the technology
which is technically and financially feasible for the enterprise in question. In
support of the implementation of BAT, the Danish EPA (Environmental Protection Agency) has
developed specific Guidelines that stipulate the room for complying with BAT requirements.
The guidelines have been developed through consensus-like negotiations with involved
parties. The Danish EPA, as well as the Danish Board of Appeals, attaches a considerable
weight to the Guidelines.
Another important principle in the Environmental Protection Act is the
polluter pays principle. The polluter pays principle[10]
has been an integral part of the Danish Environmental Act right from the very first Act,
and it is a principle shared by other Western countries.
Furthermore, the Act emphasises the need for a life-cycle approach
in environmental protection. This means that the environmental pressure caused by a
specific product should be assessed with a view to all the phases of the products
life; from production and use, to final recycling and disposal.
Finally, the precautionary principle has been included in the Act
since 1991. The Act states that in cases of threats of serious or irreversible damage,
lack of full scientific certainty shall not be used as a reason for postponing the
implementation of cost-effective measures to prevent environmental degradation. The
principle shall be applied when stipulating rules and guidance levels, but not in
individual cases.
The Act lays down the administrative responsibilities and powers. One of
the important virtues of the first Environmental Protection Act of 1974, was that it lead
to the building up of an effective administrative apparatus. This comprised of the EPA as
the national administrative body, and the technical administrative divisions in the
counties and municipalities as the implementing bodies. Among other things, this
implies that counties and municipalities are in charge of control and monitoring.
Figure 2.2. shows the current structure of the Danish Ministry of
environment and Energy.
Figure 2.2.
The Danish Ministry of Environment and Energy. Organisation Diagram.
According to the act, fines and imprisonment are the possible means of
sanctioning. Legal proceedings are handled in the Danish court system. Denmark has no
environmental court, and complaints are settled in the administrative bodies shown in
Figure 2.2.
Complaints
Individuals, as well as enterprises, may complain about decisions taken
according to the Act which involve them directly. Furthermore, certain organisations have
the right to complain on behalf of those likely to be affected by possible pollution.
The Environmental Appeal Board settles cases of a principal importance.
Other complaints are settled centrally by the Ministry of Environment and Energy. The
Environmental Appeal Board also deals with complaints about decisions taken by the
Minister of Environment and Energy.
The principle of freedom to information is included in the Danish
Freedom of Information Act[11].
The Act was first introduced in 1970. It has, among other things, lead to a high degree of
openness towards the press. This has, in turn, been to considerable benefit to the Danish
environmental administration in terms of enhancing the credibility of the administration,
in the view of the public.
Denmark has been a member of the EU since 1973. Consequently, the
environmental policy in Denmark is also governed by EU stipulations. Until 1988,
environmental issues were not a major concern of the EU. Therefore, until ten years ago,
the prime Danish concern mainly consisted of ensuring that EU legislation would not
prevent Denmark from carrying out what it considered to be a sound environmental policy.
Since 1988, however, the European Union has increasingly focused on
environmental issues. Today, the EU is a major actor in the international environmental
policy-making, and also plays a pro-active role in the framing of environmental policies,
strategies, and laws within its borders.
During the whole period, Denmark has been at the forefront with regard to
the question of implementation. This means that EU stipulations have rapidly been
implemented in Denmark. There have only been minor delays with relation to the deadlines.
Today, the EU emphasises and recommends the use of economic instrument in
environmental policy. The factual developments in the EU member states, however, exhibit
substantial variations. In some member states the concept is fairly new and only applied
to a highly limited extent. Other member states, such as Denmark, the Netherlands and
Sweden, have implemented tax reforms that include green taxes. Other countries (including
Austria, Germany, Belgium and France) apply economic instrument on a significant and
increasing scale, but not yet as part of a tax reform. Only few EU harmonised taxes are
applied. The use of harmonised taxes throughout the EU requires unanimity at the EU level.
Tripartition of power
In order to ensure a stable democracy and to prevent misuse of power, the
supreme power in Denmark is, like in most other Western democracies, divided into three
independent organs which control one another: the legislative, the executive, and the
judicial power. The legislative power rests with the Parliament (Folketinget);
the executive power with the government (the Ministers); and the judicial power rests with
the courts of justice[12].
The executive and the legislative powers are balanced in the sense that a majority among
the 179 Members of the Folketing can overthrow a Cabinet or a Minister. On the other hand,
the Prime Minister can dissolve the Folketing, at any time. The Ministers have extensive
competence, but are under the control of the Folketing, and might, in rare cases, be
impeached. The courts of justice and the Ombudsman are entitled to represent the interests
of the citizens in relation to the authorities.
In carrying out their executive powers, ministers are individually
responsible to the Parliament. Ministry staff is permanent in the sense that newly
appointed ministers do not replace ministry staff at any level.
Ministry of environment and Energy
The Ministry of Environment was established in 1973 (expanded to the
Ministry of Environment and Energy in 1994). Over time, the Ministry has acquired an
increasing amount of issues and regulations under its responsibility. This has been a
natural consequence of a growing interest in environmental issues, and a growing
recognition of the need to address such issues in a comprehensive and integrated manner.
Recent developments illustrate this trend. Today, the environmental effects of all new
laws, as well as the fiscal budget, must be evaluated.
The Ministry of Environment and Energy has a number of agencies and
institutions (Figure 2.2), including the Danish Environmental Protection Agency (DEPA).
DEPA serves the Minister. Among the most important tasks of DEPA are: the responsibility
to control and advise local authorities, negotiate at the EU level, and to deal with
appeals in cases of complaints about the ruling of local authorities.
The framing of policies is the responsibility of the Ministry. The
administration of the environmental law is, however, highly decentralised. It is the
municipalities and counties (the latter in the case of particularly polluting enterprises
for whom specific obligations and stipulations apply) that issue permits and monitor the
regulated enterprises. The counties (amter) are the prime bodies responsible for observing
and monitoring the quality of the environment.
Actors involved in taxes and charges
The key actors in framing and promoting environmental legislation are the
following: the Ministry of Environment and Energy; the Ministry of Finance; the Ministry
of Taxation; and other relevant sector Ministries. The overall responsibility lies in the
hands of the Minister of Taxation. In the case of economic instruments, the Ministry of
Environment and Energy interacts to a great extent with the Ministry of Taxation. This
interaction has become more pronounced in recent years. This may be viewed as a reflection
of the increased appreciation of the potentials of economic instruments in environmental
protection.
The typical process in the preparatory steps of legislation consists of
four prime steps. First, the Danish Environmental Protection Agency elaborates a
memorandum, which is submitted to the Ministry of Environment and Energy. The Ministry
thereafter develops its memorandum. In the third step, these memoranda constitute the
background for bringing the issue onto the agenda of the Danish Parliament (Folketinget).
A positive reaction from the Danish Parliament thereafter results in the initiation of the
fourth step: the legislative work.
Municipal user fees
Municipal user fees are implemented by the municipalities in accordance
with the overall principles and regulations stipulated, for example, in the Environmental
Protection Act.
Subsidy schemes
Most environmental subsidy schemes are administered by the Ministry of
Environment and Energy (through its agencies). A few schemes are administered by the
Ministry of Food, Agriculture and Fisheries. A number of Ministries co-finance and
co-administer the National Environmental Research Programme.
Past trends
Environmental policy in Denmark dates back to the early 1970s. The first
Ministry of Environment, previously called the Ministry of Pollution Abatement, was
established in 1971. It was replaced by the Ministry of Environment in 1973.
In its early years the environmental administration was fragmented and
uncoordinated, and there was a limited public awareness of environmental issues. However,
with an increase in public awareness of environmental problems, the environmental agenda
has changed significantly.
Danish environmental policy has changed its focus from pollution abatement
to control and prevention. A key driving force in this development has been the Brundtland
Report of 1987, which introduced the concept of sustainable development.
Developments over the last decade are characterised by a substantial
widening of the range of instruments applied in environmental policy. By tradition, Danish
environmental policy has largely been based on direct or administrative regulations.
During the last decade, however, these command-and-control regulations have been
supplemented by an increased use of economic instruments, and by a number of other
measures, such as awareness building measures and voluntary agreements. Awareness building
measures are applied vis-à-vis the public, as well as in a more targeted manner towards
specific branches of industry or enterprises. Awareness building measures include, among
other things, eco-labelling schemes and information campaigns.
Policy packaging has become a dominant feature in Denmark. Policy
packaging implies that a set of measures is launched at the same time in order to increase
their overall effect. Policy packaging thus may consist of the simultaneous launching of
several of the following actions: stricter environmental regulation, the announcement of
future stricter regulations, information campaigns, taxes, and subsidies.
The 1994 tax reform presented a major break-through in the increased use
of economic instruments. The reform among other things explicitly aimed to introduce
elements of green taxation into the Danish tax system. Consequently, the tax reform aimed
to lower income taxes by means of, among other things, increasing the use of green taxes.
Future Challenges
In the coming years, the improvement of the state of the environmental
media, namely air, water, and soil, will continue to be a prime area of concern in
Denmark. Consequently, the current trend of increasing waste volumes will be sought to be
reversed, or at least stabilised. The efforts to safeguard the aquatic environment will
continue, for example, through the implementation of the second Action Plan for the
Aquatic Environment. Environmental and health impacts from energy use and from
transportation will be sought to be reduced. A success in this will also contribute to
achieve compliance with Danish CO2 and SO2
reduction targets. The preventive approach in Danish environmental policy will be sought
to be further promoted, and efforts to develop integrated policies will continue.
Agenda 21
Sustainable Development will continue to be a priority area in Denmark in
the future. In the UNGASS[13]
Statement of Commitment of June 1997, governments committed themselves to pursue and
strengthen the efforts to implement Agenda 21. Participants thus committed themselves to
ensure that the next comprehensive review of Agenda 21 in the year 2002, demonstrates
greater measurable progress in achieving sustainable development. Further, Denmark has
implemented several national initiatives to further the local Agenda 21 implementation.
International co-operation
Denmark strongly emphasises the need to recognise that many environmental
problems are to be tackled internationally. Denmark seeks to take an active part in
promoting international efforts inter alia in its role as an EU member. Consequently, a
major challenge in the coming years is the fulfilment of the requirement of the
international agreement on the reduction of CO2 emissions.
According to the Third Party Conference in Japan in December 1997, the industrialised
countries must reduce the greenhouse gas emissions by 5 % in the period of 2008-2012
compared to the level of 1990. Generally, Denmark seeks to play an active role at the EU
level, and internationally to support the reductions of Green House Gases Emissions.
Denmark strongly advocates the framing of a CO2 tax (as a
general tax) at the EU level.
Notes:
All figures applied in this chapter stem from the homepage
of Statistics Denmark and from the publication by Statistics Denmark: Statistisk
Tiårsoversigt 1997
Currency rate as of 19 May 1999: 0.143 DKK/USD
Source: Mogens Moe, 1995
Source: Statistics Denmark, Miljøstatistik, 1998
Source: Statistics Denmark, Miljøstatistik, 1998
All the figures mentioned in this section apply to 1996.
This is the most recent year for which a comprehensive survey was made.
Source: Statistics Denmark, Miljøstatistik 1998
Source: Statistics Denmark, Miljøstatistik 1998
This section draws heavily on Moe, Mogens:
Environmental Administration in Denmark, DEPA, 1995.
In the Act the principle implies that environmental
requirements can be imposed upon enterprises and that they have to pay whatever the
costs these entail (Moe, 1995).
The EC Environmental Information Directive 90/313 is in
many regards quite close to the Danish freedom of information rules.
In practice, the Monarch is beyond the tripartition of
power, but does exert formal authority, e.g. in terms of appointing or dismissing
Ministers, and in terms of assenting Laws.
United Nations General Assembly Special Session to review
implementation of Agenda 21 (23-27 June 1997).
This chapter offers a general and more theoretical, albeit quite
superficial, overview of the merits and types of economic instruments that are available.
The chapter thus provides an overview of the overall theoretical context. The remaining
chapters may be read independently of this chapter.
Economic instruments in environmental protection
Economic instruments in environmental regulation offer an alternative to
the traditional command-and-control instruments (direct regulation). The main
accomplishments from applying economic instruments are illustrated in Table 3.1.
In Denmark, economic instruments have been known and used for years in
environmental policy. In the 1970s, charges and earmarked levies were most commonly
applied. The following decade introduced a shift towards more incentive-based instruments,
and away from the earmarking of revenues. In the 1990s, yet another shift took place when
the economic instruments became more integrated into the overall income tax system.
Further, the principle of full cost recovery has been integrated in user fee legislation
for many years.
Table 3.1.
The merits of economic instruments
Incorporate the cost of
environmental services, and pollution directly into the costs of goods, services and
activities |
Economic efficiency |
Provide incentives for
consumers and producers to change their behaviour. |
Stimulate innovation |
Tackle environmental
priorities from diffuse pollution sources. |
Raise revenues for, among
other things, environmental expenditures. |
In this report, the term economic instruments will be used to
identify all instruments which, by means of affecting price structures, impact positively
upon the environment. The term economic instruments thus also includes
subsidies, grants, and tax allowances that have a positive environmental impact.
This definition is in line with OECDs definition:
OECD Definition
Those policy instruments which may influence environmental
outcomes by changing the cost and benefits of alternative actions open to economic agents.
They aim to do so by making the environmentally preferred action financially more
attractive. (OECD, 1997, p. 20)
Rationale
The basic rationale behind economic instruments is to improve the state of
the environment through a voluntary participation of rational, economic agents. Economic
instruments take their effect through the impact that they have on price structures. An
environmental levy on a specific item (such as an article or a service) increases the
relative price of that item. Rational and economic agents (consumers and/or producers)
will, as a consequence, reduce their demand of this item, as it has become relatively more
expensive.
Furthermore, the argument is to internalise economic externalities, and in
this sense, increase the overall economic efficiency. The levy would ideally reflect costs
that are not internalised. This would, in particular, include the costs to society of the
environmental and health effects in question. The price, including the levy, would thereby
be a more correct reflection of the total costs of the production and/or use of the item
in question.
Within the above-mentioned definition of economic instruments, a number
of distinctions may be made.
First of all, a distinction is often made between taxes and charges[2]:
| Taxes are compulsory unrequited payments to the government. The specific benefits
provided by government are normally not related to the specific payments of the taxpayers.
|
| Charges are compulsory requited payments. These are proportionally related to the
services provided. Charges can also be paid into specific funds and earmarked for specific
environmental purposes, without necessarily having a direct proportionality to the service
rendered. |
In addition, there exists a number of other economic instruments used in
environmental protection: deposit-refund systems, subsidies, and enforcement incentives
together with market creating instruments. Table 3.2 provides an overview of the various
categories of instruments and of the specific types within each category.
In this report, a distinction is made between the following types
according to the object for taxation:
| product taxes and charges; |
| effluent taxes and charges; |
| user fees; and |
| administrative charges. |
A differentiation of the rates applied (typically phrased tax
differentiation) presents a further variant method for applying a specific tax or
charge.
Product taxes and charges
The purpose of product taxes and charges is to impose a levy on products
that cause environmental damage through their extraction, production, use, or disposal.
Typically, companies that trade or produce goods must keep accounts of their production,
sales, and purchase, e.g. for VAT collection purposes. Thus, the collection and
enforcement of product taxes may be directly related to such already existing registers
and procedures. While this substantially eases the calculation and collection procedures,
the environmental effects may be more difficult to foresee. This is, because product taxes
and charges typically only have an indirect relation to the emissions, as opposed to
effluent charges that are more directly related to the actual emissions. As a consequence,
it may also be argued that emission charges, in many cases, provide a much stronger
incentive to reduce emissions.
Tax Differentiation
Tax differentiation aims to stimulate the use of less harmful substitute
products or inputs at the expense of more harmful products or inputs. Differentiated taxes
on vehicle fuels thus are widely applied to stimulate, for example, the use of low-sulphur
diesel, and the use of unleaded petrol and/or petrol with low contents of benzene.
Table 3.2.
Overview of economic instruments
Charges/Taxes |
Subsidies |
Deposit-refund
systems |
Market
Creation |
Enforcement
incentives |
Product taxes and charges |
Grants |
Reusable items |
Emission Trading |
Non-
compliance fees |
Tax
differentiation |
Soft Loans |
Disposals |
Market
Intervention |
Performance bonds |
Effluent taxes and charges |
Tax
Allowances |
|
Liability
Insurance |
|
User fees |
|
|
|
|
Administrative charges |
|
|
|
|
Effluent charges/taxes
Effluent charges and taxes are based on the quantity and/or quality of
discharged pollutants. Ideally, their level would reflect the costs to society of the
discharge in question. For all practical purposes, the level is, however, established more
pragmatically, because the costs to society are extremely difficult to assess. This
difficulty includes, i.e. the uncertainties or lack of knowledge on current and/or
future effects from the discharges; and the lack of complete knowledge on available
technologies to reduce discharges. Consequently, effluent charges are mainly applied
vis-à-vis sectors where the number of actors are limited, and where there is fairly good
knowledge on the mentioned relations. This also illustrates that calculation and control
are some of the major obstacles to a widening of the use of effluent charges and taxes,
although the effluent charges, in most cases, provide the most direct relation between the
environmental issue at hand, and the object for taxation.
User fees
User fees are payments for specific environmental services, such as waste
disposal or sewage treatment. The intention is that payments for such services will
reflect the costs of providing the service. This includes the costs of complying with the
environmental requirements imposed on the plants. The size of the user fees should not
exceed the full cost recovery. User fee levels are, among other things, determined by the
environmental requirements imposed on the plants providing the service in question. User
fees are typically calculated and collected by the units that own and operate the plants
in question.
Administrative Taxes
Administrative taxes are payments for authority services that are
associated with the administration of related environmental regulation. Administrative
taxes can, in a sense, be considered as a user fee.
Subsidies provide the opportunity for financial assistance to motivate
individuals or enterprises to act more environmental-friendly per se. Subsidies may also
be used to reduce compliance costs in relation to specific environmental regulations.
Subsidies may be in terms of grants, soft loans, or tax allowances.
Subsidies may be financed through the general budget, or through earmarked revenues.
Earmarked revenues
Earmarked revenues may constitute the financing source for specific
subsidy schemes. Thus, revenues collected from one specific or from several charges may be
re-allocated for specific environmental purposes. This subsequent use may relate directly
to the source of the revenue, or it may relate to any environmental purpose. While it is
argued that the economic rationale for such schemes is weak, they may nevertheless play an
important role in enhancing the acceptability of the taxes and charges in question, and in
providing funds for the environmental expenditures.
The latter argument is particularly justified in cases where public
financial resources are very scarce. In these cases, suitably designed environmental funds
can be effective mechanisms for channelling earmarked revenues to help tackle serious
environmental problems[3]. By
the standard of market economies though, the continued use of subsidies and the reliance
on earmarked funds is a second-best solution. Earmarking sets aside economic resources
outside the general process of financial and economic policy, thereby, reducing the
economic resources available for other necessary expenditures. There is also a danger that
over the longer term, resources may be channelled to problems that are no longer high
priority. Further, the level of public services financed through earmarking may have to
adjust to changes in revenue, rather than to changes in demand and needs.
Impacts from other subsidies
Subsidies that are applied for other reasons than environmental may also
have an effect on the environment. For example, subsidies may aim to enhance the mobility
of the work force, in terms of, e.g. tax allowances for cost of transportation to and from
the workplace. Subsidies are also provided to agriculture through the EU, in order to
support the competitiveness of European agriculture. Although such subsidies have been
implemented for other reasons, their effect on environment may be negative. In other
words, these subsidies may be counterproductive to the effects from using economic
instruments in environmental protection, as for example, in terms of providing an
incentive to intensive agriculture production. While this illustrates the importance of
applying a highly integrated approach in assessing economic instruments in environmental
protection, such instruments are nevertheless considered to be beyond the scope of the
present report, and therefore will not be considered.
Deposit-refund systems
Reusable items and Disposals
This measure adds a surcharge to the price of a product. The surcharge is
refunded when the product, its residual, or packaging is returned to a collection system
instead of conventional disposal. A distinction can be made between reusable items
and items for disposal. The former has a value to the producer, whereas the latter
has no value. The latter types thus call for public intervention to promote the
establishment of a deposit-refund systems.
Market creation
The use of market creation is very limited in Europe, whereas it is a more
commonly applied measure in the US. Emission trading systems establish property rights to
a public good: the environment. Market creation renders it easier to control the overall
levels of pollution, assuming, among other things, well-functioning financial markets.
Enforcement incentives
Enforcement incentives are actually at the border between administrative
regulations and economic instruments. Enforcement incentives provide an economic incentive
for compliance. They are particularly relevant in cases where non-compliance or
postponement is an immediate alternative. Non-compliance fees are the most used
instruments in this category.
As can be seen from the above, the main differentiation between charges
and taxes lies in the way the revenue is used. Considering all economic instruments
(apart from subsidies), three main alternatives of spending the revenues can be mentioned:[4]
1. Allocation to the general budget;
2. Reduction or removal of other distortionary taxes; and
3. Earmarking the revenue.
Possible schemes for earmarking are manifold and include, for example:
| earmarking for specific (types of) environmental projects; |
| entering of the revenue into specific environmental funds with specific environmental
objectives; |
| redistributing the revenue among the individuals/companies who have paid the tax; |
| tax shifting; and |
| recovering costs of environmentally related services. |
Earmarking of revenues is not used in Denmark. However, in some cases, it
has been decided to recycle all or part of the revenue to the affected industries. This
has been motivated in competitive concerns. The recycling has been effectuated in two
ways: 1) by means of reducing other industry-related taxes or levies, or 2) by the use of
subsidy schemes that often aim to support environmental objectives.
The purpose of revenues
Another way of distinguishing economic instruments is by looking at the
purpose of the revenues. One may distinguish between three distinct purposes, although
it should be noted that instruments applied may not be categorised as fulfilling only one
purpose, and that other purposes may apply other than those stated here. A differentiation
may be made between:
| fiscal instruments; |
| incentive based instruments; and |
| cost recovery based instruments. |
If the purpose is merely to gain money for the national budget, the
economic instrument can be categorised as a fiscal environmental tax. If the prime
purpose is to create an incentive for behavioural changes, the economic instrument can be
categorised as an incentive based instrument. Finally, if the purpose of the
revenue is to cover the cost of using a specific natural resource or utilising an
environmental service, we are then dealing with cost-recovery based instruments.
The latter can be subdivided into either user charges or earmarked revenues.
The use of economic instruments in environmental protection has been
substantially enhanced in Denmark during the last decade. A number of new instruments have
been introduced, such as the taxes on pesticides, growth promoters, sewage, and tap water.
Additionally, existing schemes have been modified and widened; this applies, in
particular, for the energy tax system. Originally, this system was implemented mainly for
fiscal purposes. During the last decade, the energy tax system has, however, been
substantially modified to take into account environmental concerns to a much more
significant extent. The modifications and additions include, for example: the
implementation of the CO2 and the SOx taxes; and tax differentiation
schemes in favour of less environmentally harmful vehicle fuels[5]. On
a general level, Denmark explicitly aims to generate large revenues from environmental
taxes and charges, including vehicle fuel taxes, and in turn to decrease the income tax
levels.
The Danish use of economic instruments in environmental protection
typically distinguishes between:
| energy taxes and charges; |
| environmental taxes and charges; |
| user fees; |
| subsidies; and |
| deposit-refund systems. |
User fees are directly related to specific environmental services. They
specifically aim to obtain cost recovery for the environmental services in question.
Denmark applies a wide range of subsidy schemes which generally aim to
prompt actions to reduce the strain on environment and resources.
Deposit-refund schemes are used to support recycling and re-use schemes.
The report also includes a description of the vehicle-related taxes. These
are product taxes, and the mere fact that they are of a substantial size, motivates their
inclusion in this report, as they can be expected to have a significant impact on the
vehicle fleet in Denmark (although they are not only motivated in environmental concerns).
Tax differentiation will largely be dealt with as an integral part of the
concerned product taxes.
Enforcement incentives are not used in Denmark, and neither is market
intervention. In this regard it should be noted that the revision of the EUs
Agricultural support scheme includes a provision for applying cross compliance
schemes. This would mean that support would only be granted to the individual farmer
if certain environmental requirements are fulfilled. The scheme is, however, still under
negotiation.
Denmark applies one administrative tax; the tax on environmental
supervision. The tax is, however, not included in this report, as its environmental effect
is limited. It imposes specific types of enterprises with a specific annual fee (which
varies according to the type of enterprise). The annual fee is fixed, and it is to be paid
no matter whether environmental supervision has been effectuated or not in the year
covered.
Notes:
OECD, 1997, and COWIconsult, 1993.
OECD, 1997, p. 18
Understanding of the St. Petersburg Guidelines
on Environmental Funds in the Transition to a Market Economy", published in
Environmental Funds in Economies in Transition, OECD, 1995
DEPA, Hans S. Christensen, p. 12
The energy taxes and their role in the Danish energy policy
is described in detail in chapter 12.
Types of instruments
Command-and-control instruments are still the most widely used means of
protecting the environment. However, there is a general trend of widening the range of
instruments to include an increasing number of other instruments. This includes, for
example, awareness building instruments, economic instruments, and other types, such as
voluntary agreements.
This trend can also be observed from the development in the approaches
taken in the EU where other types of measures are increasingly emphasised. For example, by
comparing the earlier Environmental Action Programmes with the recent ones (the fourth and
the fifth), one may note that the merits of economic instruments and other alternative
measures are emphasised in the latter. Still, although the European Commission recommends
the wider use of economic instruments, there has been little progress in their actual use
at the EU-level. At the member state level, however, the use of economic instruments has
increased since the beginning of the 1990s.[1]
Economic instruments were explicitly introduced into Danish environmental
policy in the mid 1980s. Since then, their use has increased. Today, the instruments in
use include, for example, taxes on waste, CO2, SO2,
water supply, and sewage disposal.
The 1994 tax reform
In January 1993, the government initiated the tax reform that entered into
force in 1994. The tax reform, among other things, aimed to increase the level of green
taxation, and in turn, to decrease the level of income taxation. The increased green
taxation was also seen as a means of pursuing a government objective of enhancing the
publics environmental awareness in general. Further, the reform reflected an overall
government priority that environmental concerns should form a solid base and an integral
part of all government policies.
Thus, environmental considerations gained a new role with the Danish tax
reform. For the first time in the history of Danish tax policy, the reform took an
increase in the level of the environmental taxes and charges as a prerequisite for a
decline in the income tax level. Consequently, new economic instruments were introduced
with the tax reform, and levels were increased for some of the existing ones. These
actions were connected with a tax relief on marginal income, in order to shift the tax
burden away from labour, and towards resources and environmental pressures. Since the tax
reform, the use of economic instruments has continued to increase.
Revenues
Figure 4.1 shows the Danish tax revenue and the contribution provided by
economic instruments[2].
The figure does not include user fees, because the fees are collected in a very
decentralised manner. The figure shows that the economic instruments contribute 16% of
total government tax revenue. Income taxes and other indirect taxes (in particular VAT)
are the major other sources of government revenue. Vehicle taxes and energy taxes are seen
to be the single most important economic instruments in terms of revenue contribution. It
should be noted that in the figure, energy taxes are inclusive of motor fuel taxes. The
remaining economic instruments (labelled green economic instruments) provide 16% of
the total revenue generated from economic instruments. This corresponds to a contribution
in the order of 3% to the total government revenue.
User fees
The role of user fees has been intensified in the last 10-15 years. The
use of the principle of full cost-recovery combined with stricter environmental standards
for plants that provide the services in question (waste handling and disposal, sewage
treatment, and provision of tap water) has led to substantial increases in the levels of
user fees.
Further, the legislation enables the providers of the services to
differentiate the fees under certain conditions[3].
Consequently, specific types of waste may be subject to higher fees than other types.
Figure 4.1.
The Contribution from Economic Instruments to the Danish Government Tax Revenue
Subsidies
Subsidy schemes in Denmark typically aim to support: investments; actions
that aim to change behaviours and production methods; research and development efforts;
and awareness building. Subsidy schemes are framed in accordance with the stipulations of
the Treaty of the European Union. The Treaty limits the extent to which such schemes may
target specific industries or enterprises. Subsidy schemes are mostly framed independently
of a possible associated revenue generation. In other words, there is no earmarking of
revenues involved.
Figure 4.2 and Figure 4.3 provide an illustration of the environmental and
economic sectors that are affected by the instruments in use in Denmark. The figures
provide a simplified representation of the actual state of affairs. It has, for example,
been chosen to categorise a set of taxes (the CO2 tax, the SO2
tax, the sewage tax, and the waste tax) as effluent taxes, although neither of them can be
said to be effluent taxes in a stringent sense[4].
Figure 4.2 only shows the main environmental sector affected. For
example, the pesticides tax has been indicated to affect soil and groundwater, however,
the use of pesticides also affects surface water. For the sake of simplicity it has,
however, been chosen to show only the one sector that is mostly affected.
Comparing the two figures with Figure 4.1 it is apparent that households
contribute the major share of the revenue from economic instruments. Energy taxes,
including motor fuel taxes and vehicle taxes, are collected mainly from households.
Furthermore, households contribute the largest part of the CO2
tax, although other sectors are subject to the tax as well.
It should also be noted that taxes and charges that are initially imposed
on other sectors than households, will often be sought to be recovered by the sector in
question by means of adding some or all of the tax to the consumer price of the item in
question. Therefore, households in reality pay part or all of that tax[5].
Typically, a tax that is levied on a company in international competition
will not be shifted on to the consumer, but will instead be borne by the company and/or
its suppliers of labour, capital, and other inputs, depending on the market conditions for
these goods and services.
On the other hand, the tax will most likely be shifted onto the consumers
if the company is not in international competition, or if the tax is levied on all use
of the product in question[6].
Figure 4.2
Economic instruments and affected environmental sectors
|
Air |
Water |
Soil and ground water |
Effluent charges/taxes |
CO2
SO2 |
Sewage |
Waste |
Product charge/tax |
CFC
Chlorinated solvents
Energy
Vehicles
Motor fuels
Motor vehicles |
|
Certain retail containers
Tap water
Raw materials
Pesticides
Growth-promoters
NiCd batteries
Disposable tableware |
User fee |
|
Sewage |
Waste
Water |
Deposit refund |
|
|
Beverage containers |
Figure 4.3
Economic instruments and affected economic sector
|
Agriculture |
Energy |
Manu-
facturing |
Transport |
Households |
Effluent charges/taxes |
CO2
SO2 |
CO2
SO2
Waste |
CO2
SO2
Sewage
Waste
|
|
CO2
SO2
Sewage
Waste |
Product charge/tax |
Pesticides
Growth-
promoters |
Energy 1) |
CFC
Chlorinated solvents
Raw materials
Energy 1) |
Energy
Motor
fuels 2)
Motor vehicles |
Energy
Vehicles
Packaging
Tap water
Motor fuels
Motor vehicles
Disposable tableware
NiCd batteries |
User fee |
|
|
Tap water
Sewage
Waste
Road toll |
Road toll |
Tap water
Sewage
Waste |
Deposit-refund |
|
|
|
|
Beverage containers |
1) Only energy use for heating purposes,
2) Airborne transport and public transport are exempted
Figure 4.4 shows the incidence of five of the largest green taxes measured
by revenue for ten household income brackets. The first tenth represents the lowest 10% of
the incomes and the last tenth presents the highest 10% of the incomes. An index of 100
means that the tax is proportional to the households income. The figure serves to
illustrate the extent to which particular taxes are of a degressive, neutral, or
progressive nature. Taxes that affect lower income groups the most are degressive, while
taxes that affect higher income groups the most are progressive. A neutral tax affects all
income groups similarly.
Figure 4.4
Relative incidence of certain green taxes
Source: Ministry of Taxation
The figure shows that the taxes on electricity, oil products (especially
for heating purposes), and water are all very degressive compared with incomes. The
households with the lowest incomes have the highest relative tax burden, and the relative
burden decreases as household incomes increase.
The situation is somewhat different for taxes on vehicles and
transportation. The tax on petrol is reasonably constant across household income and the
registration tax is slightly progressive. In the last case it should be noted that the
first income group contains very few observations.
The general conclusion from the above is that green taxes tend to be
degressive. This should give rise to considerations on equity and fair distributions of
income.
Distributional effects
In Denmark, there was a break-through for green tax reforms with the 1994
tax reform. Furthermore, Denmark has had a long tradition for an integrated use of the
various economic instruments including subsidies. This allows the targeting of possible
unwanted distributional effects from the green taxes through other tax instruments. As
illustrated above, economic instruments in environmental protection may often be
degressive, i.e. they affect lower income groups the most.
Thus, the increased revenues from green taxes are often used (indirectly
as they are not earmarked) to lower other income taxes, so that a compensation for the
adverse distributional effects on income is achieved. This can contribute to maintain or
even enhance the overall redistributional effects from the tax system.
A method that has also been applied in Denmark is to counterbalance the
negative effect from the green taxes on income distribution through the joining of the
taxes with the social security payments. Basically, this implies that the price increases
that result from, for example, increased taxation of electricity and heating are taken
into account when setting the level of social security payments and other similar
payments.
Notes
EEA; Environmental Taxes, Environmental Issues Series No. 1,
1997, p. 5
The figure has been drafted based on information from
Statistics Denmark
In particular, the principle of full cost recovery must be
complied with for each specific type of waste, i.e. cross-subsidisation is not
allowed.
The CO2 tax is a product tax in
the sense that it is imposed on the fuels used for energy production. However, there
is a fixed relation between the specific fuel, and the resulting CO2
emissions. This is the rationale for its categorisation as an effluent tax. In the case of
the SO2 tax, its design entails an option for applying it as an
effluent tax. The sewage tax has a strong element of effluent taxation, as its size
relates specifically to the content of various specified substances in the sewage. The
waste tax differentiates between various types of waste.
This should not however be seen as a deficiency of the
economic instruments as such. It is part of the functioning of economic instruments.
When the consumer price is increased as a result of the tax, there is, for example, an
incentive for consumers to shift to other, non-taxed and less environmentally harmful
substitutes, and/or to decrease their use of the article or service in question
altogether. Further, there is an incentive for producers to develop substitute products or
other methods of production which are more environmentally friendly, and which are
therefore not subject to the tax in question.
However, the producer, and if relevant, also the importer,
can be forced to bear part of the burden or can seek to shift it onto suppliers of
inputs if the price elasticity is high.
5. Product
taxes and charges
This section only describes the pure energy taxes. The CO2
tax and the SO2 tax are not covered by this description, as they
are considered to be taxes on effluents rather than on products. Further, chapter 12
provides a thorough description of all economic instruments used in the energy sector,
also including subsidies.
The Danish energy sector comprises a number of rather different
sub-sectors. They differ, for example, with regard to market structure and organisation.
Thus, the sector includes a fairly competitive oil market, as well as a centralised
monopoly structure in the natural gas market.
The Danish electricity sector is divided into two independent areas, which
are organised into regional associations responsible for overall power planning, load
dispatching, and operation of their respective transmission nets. The total Danish primary
energy consumption has remained fairly constant over the last decades. In 1997, it
amounted to 837 PJ (20 million tons of oil equivalents), compared with 825 GJ in 1972.
The first energy taxes were introduced in 1977. They applied to oil
products and electricity, and were mainly implemented as a response to the oil crisis of
1973. The taxes thus aimed to promote energy savings and to provide an incentive to
substitute away from oil to other energy sources.
Energy production and use in Denmark comes from numerous sources. Of
greatest importance are coal, oil, and since the oil crises in the 1970s, natural gas.
Total energy consumption has remained fairly constant during the last two
decades. During the 1990s it has increased by only 0.3% p.a. However, the various primary
energy sources share of the total energy supply has changed significantly. Denmark
has gone from being almost totally dependent on imported oil, to the present situation
with a diversified energy supply and a position as a net-exporter of oil. The current
supply is based on oil (45%), coal (26%), natural gas (20%), and renewables (9%). Nuclear
energy is not an option in Denmark according to a decision of the Folketing in 1985.
The energy policy in Denmark aims to reduce the use of coal and to promote
the use of natural gas, as well as renewable sources of energy, such as wind mills. This
can be seen as a reflection of increased environmental awareness and a strong emphasis on
the issue of self-sufficiency. These policy objectives have in the 1990s, been supported
by changes in the energy taxes. Thus, levels of taxation for coal and electricity have
increased. Additionally, energy taxes have generally increased during the 1990s.
Furthermore, the tax aims to raise revenue for the general budget. It also
aims to reduce imports through lower private energy consumption.
Energy taxes are levied on bottled gas, fuel oil, gas oil, coal,
electricity and natural gas. The taxes are set, based on the energy content of the fuel in
question. Energy taxes are input taxes, in the sense that they are levied on the
fuels used for energy production. Electricity generation, however, constitutes an
exception. Fuels used for electricity production are not liable to the tax. In this case,
there is a tax on the output (electricity). Consequently, the tax in itself does
not provide an incentive to shift to less polluting fuels in electricity production.
The motivation for taxing electricity rather than the fuels applied in
electricity production should be found mainly in concerns over competitiveness.
Electricity is traded across borders and it is not possible to track down the specific
sources of energy that are used to produce one specific kWh-unit.
The tax rates have steadily been increasing. Total taxation (including
VAT) amounts to about two thirds of the consumer price. The energy taxes mainly affect
households. Most industries and other VAT-registered companies are exempted from energy
taxes, with the exception of space heating. Since 1995, however, energy taxes have been
levied on industrial energy consumption for space heating.
Table 11.2 illustrates the current and planned tax rates for the major
energy sources.
The energy taxes provide large revenues as shown in Table 5.1. The main
contributors are the taxes on oil and electricity. Electricity production is mainly based
on coal. In 1997, 61% of the total fuel use in electricity production and CHP consisted of
coal. Natural gas and oil accounted for 15% and 12% respectively. Renewable sources and
other sources accounted for another 12%. The share of natural gas will increase
significantly in the future; the result of an expected phase in of additional gas fired
CHP plants.
Since the use of coal mainly takes place in the electricity production and
by the industrial sector, it is largely exempt of tax. Similarly, natural gas only
provides a minor share of the state revenue, as the major share of the tax on
natural gas is collected as a shadow tax by the gas companies (this is further explained
in chapter 11).
The energy taxes are levied on the oil companies that produce and import
the fuels. Electricity taxes are levied on the power companies that produce and supply
electricity. The Customs and Excise Department of the Danish Ministry of Taxation collects
the taxes. Taxes are fully and explicitly passed on to consumers (including industry and
other purchasers of heat and electricity).
In the case of industry, the energy taxes are largely refunded (with the
exception of space heating) by the Customs and Excise Department, and are combined with
the collection of VAT. When handing in VAT forms, the enterprises in question also specify
(and prove) the energy taxes paid during the period in question. The energy taxes are
deducted from the VAT, and only the net amount is paid.
Table 5.1
Revenues in 1998
Object for Taxation |
MDKK |
Oil Products |
6,241 |
Natural Gas |
122 |
Coal |
787 |
Electricity |
6,979 |
Total |
14,129 |
Source: Statsregnskab for finansåret 1998
The current structure of the energy taxes and their present levels present
a compromise between various goals and considerations that are sometimes in conflict. The
taxes have been designed to contribute to the achievement of certain environmental goals,
while still recognising their significant fiscal contribution. Furthermore, concerns over
income distribution and competitiveness have played a role in setting the taxes.
A major achievement of the Danish energy policy, in which the energy taxes
play an important role, is that the traditional positive correlation between energy use
and economic growth has been broken. In other words, economic growth is no longer
accompanied by a corresponding increase in energy use.
As such, the energy taxes are relatively high in comparison with European
standards. Their mere size thus provides an incentive for energy savings, particularly in
households. The low level of realised taxes for the most heavy energy users may provide a
limited incentive for energy savings in these sectors, whereas the potential benefits
could be the largest in these sectors.
As mentioned above, all fuels used for electricity generation are exempt
of energy and environmental taxes. Instead, the taxes are levied on the electricity. This
design does not per se provide incentives for more efficient electricity production or for
a switch to cleaner fuels. The taxes only give the end-user an incentive to reduce the
consumption of electricity as such.
Denmark has one of the highest vehicle tax rates in the world. Taxes on
vehicles were originally intended as a tax on luxury goods. Further, as Denmark does not
have a car manufacturing industry, the vehicle tax system can also be considered as a
means to control the balance-of-payments.
The taxes on motor vehicles are comprised of:
- A registration tax, which is a tax paid upon purchase of the vehicle (heavy trucks are
excluded); and
- An annual tax based on the fuel economy of the vehicle. Liability to the tax occurs once
the possession of a vehicle has been registered in Denmark, and all vehicle owners are
liable to the annual tax. Known as The Owners Green Tax in Denmark, the tax
entered into force in 1997 and applies to all new vehicles. Before 1997, the annual tax
was based on the weight of the car. All vehicles sold before 1997 are liable to the annual
weight based tax.
The main and original purpose of the registration tax and the annual
vehicle tax is to raise revenue. Further, the vehicle taxes are motivated in a wish that
vehicle owners should bear some of the costs involved in the construction and maintenance
of road infrastructure. Today, the registration tax also explicitly aims to reduce the
number of vehicles in Denmark, and to provide an incentive to use smaller vehicles with
better fuel economy.
All vehicles in Denmark are liable to the taxes. Registration is a
condition where all cars must have licence plates. The registration tax is paid upon
registration.
The presentation below includes a detailed description of the system that
applies to passenger cars. As mentioned above, heavy duty trucks are excluded. Further
exemptions and other variant schemes apply to light duty trucks and vans, and other
specified vehicles such as taxis. Basically, these vehicles are taxed lower than the
passenger cars.
However, it should be noted that the registration tax for vans was
increased in 1994 in order to reduce the private use of vans, and to provide an incentive
to buy smaller vans. For vans between 2 and 3 tons, the tax was increased from DKK 12,000
to DKK 30,000. For vans between 3 and 4 tons, there was an increase from DKK 7,500 to DKK
19,000.
The Danish registration tax is very high compared with other countries. It
amounts to 105% of that part of the value of a new passenger car that is below DKK 50,800
(1999 level), and 180% for the rest. The basis for calculation includes 25% VAT, custom
duties[1],
and profits to the retailer. This means that the registration tax is also imposed on the
VAT and on the retailers profit. To encourage the import and use of safer vehicles,
vehicles equipped with air bags and with ABS systems are entitled to a deduction in the
tax.
The taxation of motor vehicles tends to shift gradually from the
registration tax to annual taxation as the most important one. This means that the fuel
economy of the vehicles will increasingly influence the taxation level in the future.
Table 5.2 provides illustrative examples showing the composition of prices
of vehicles sold in Denmark. The table provides examples of the ultimate consumer price of
three passenger cars. Before taxes, the prices are assumed to be DKK 50,000, 80,000, and
100,000 respectively. These prices include profits to importers and retailers. The
ultimate consumer prices, i.e. the prices including VAT and registration taxes, for these
three examples, amount to DKK 124,795, 229,795 and 300,605 respectively. Thus, the total
tax burden amounts to between 150% and 201% (for these three examples) of the import
price, including the profit to the importer and the retailer.
The fact that the tax rate increases to 180% for the part of the tax base
that exceeds DKK 50,800 provides for a progressive effect of the registration tax. Higher
income groups may be assumed to buy more expensive vehicles, hence they will be imposed
with a relatively higher registration tax. For example, the price difference (net of all
taxes) between the cheapest and the most expensive car in table 5.2 is 100%, but the
consumer price difference (including all taxes) becomes 140%.
On average, the annual tax according to weight amounts to about DKK 2,900
annually. For new cars, the annual tax is based on energy consumption, and (Owners Green
Tax) is charged according to km/litre of a vehicle. Vehicles with good fuel economy are
subject to a smaller tax. Thus, the large and more energy-intensive vehicles are taxed
more heavily. Diesel-powered vehicles are taxed higher than petrol-driven vehicles, but
the tax on diesel fuels is much less.
Table 5.2
Taxes imposed on a petrol powered passenger car (excludes profits to importers and
retailers profits are also liable to the taxes)
Price component |
DKK |
DKK |
DKK |
Import price of vehicle
with ABS and air-bags |
50,000 |
80,000 |
100,000 |
VAT, 25% |
12,500 |
20,000 |
25,000 |
Deduction for ABS and
air-bags |
6,725 |
6,725 |
6,725 |
Tax base |
55,750 |
93,275 |
118,725 |
Registration tax |
|
|
|
105% of 50,800 |
53,340 |
53,340 |
53,340 |
180% of (tax base
-50,800) |
8,955 |
76,455 |
122,265 |
Total (Import price,
VAT and registration tax) |
124,795 |
229,795 |
300,605 |
All vehicles in Denmark must be registered with Central Registration. This
is stipulated in the Road Traffic Act. In 1996, the registration tax constituted 52% of
the taxes on vehicles, and the annual weight-tax 17% (other taxes account for the rest).[2]
The two taxes are collected by the Department of the Central-registration of Motor
Vehicles. The Department is under the Ministry of Justice.
Registration tax: It is the Department of Customs and Excise
that collects the tax from the vehicle retailers. In order to be registered as a dealer, a
license must be obtained. The obligation to register and the register itself constitutes
the core of the collection schemes for vehicle taxes. All new cars must be registered, and
changes of ownership must be reported to the Central-registration of Motor Vehicles. The
registration tax is only paid at the first registration of the car. After the first
registration, the vehicle can be sold freely without any additional taxes. In 1998, the
registration tax provided a revenue of MDKK 18,290 to the state budget. Due to an increase
in the import of new cars, the registration tax has increased over the last years. About
83,000 new vehicles were registered in 1993, compared with 142,000 registrations in 1996.
Thus, there has been an increase in the amounts collected. In 1993, it was MDKK 7,998, and
in 1996, it was MDKK 15,367.
Annual vehicle tax: The person who is registered as the
owner of the vehicle is the one who is liable to the annual tax. Hence, there is a clear
incentive to report changes of ownership to the register. The tax is paid by the
registered owner of the vehicle via the Central Registration to the Department of Customs
and Excise. Owners of new cars are liable to the Owners Green Tax. This tax is estimated
according to specific standards set up by the Ministry of Taxation; all new cars are
categorised into this particular scheme, which is based on the fuel economy of the vehicle
(km/litre). All cars that were first registered before 1997 are liable to the weight based
tax. If the tax is not paid the registration will be cancelled. A vehicle cannot be
re-registered unless the liable tax has been paid. In 1998, total collection provided a
revenue of MDKK 5,444.
The taxes on vehicles provide the largest contribution to government
revenue of all the environmental taxes and charges applied in Denmark as shown in Figure
4.1. However, compared to other EU-member states, the Danish taxation on heavy-duty
vehicles (trucks) is at the mid-scale.[3]
The vehicle taxes are predominantly motivated in fiscal concerns, and they
generate substantial government revenues. The administrative set-up renders evasion
extremely difficult, if not impossible. The number of cars per capita in Denmark is
estimated at 338 per 1000 inhabitants[4].
This number lies in the lower end compared with the other EU countries (between 223
(Greece) and 568 (Italy))[5].
Consequently, and in the light of the high GDP/capita in Denmark, the registration tax is
likely to have a mitigating effect on the development in the number of vehicles.
It may be argued that the high registration tax may reduce the incentive
to replace old cars with new ones, as the registration tax has the effect of making new
cars relatively more expensive. However, the better fuel economy of new vehicles and
concerns on safety matters (further supported by the above exceptions for ABS systems and
air bags), may imply a weakening of this effect.
Further, the design of the annual tax and the registration tax both
provide an incentive to purchase vehicles with good fuel economy. The more expensive and
the heavier the vehicle is, the higher is the tax. It is typically the heavy and expensive
vehicles that have the poorest fuel economy. This effect has been further supported by the
increased taxes and vehicle fuels that resulted from the 1994 tax reform.
The fuel economy in Danish vehicles is generally high compared to other
European countries. This indicates that the system as such, does not provide a significant
incentive for vehicle owners to keep their old cars.
Denmark agrees with a proposal presented by the European Commission. The
strategy proposal aims to increase fuel economy up to 20 km/l for petrol cars, and 22 km/l
for diesel cars. As a result of the high taxation of vehicles, Denmark is in a good
position to pursue this objective.
The new Owners Green Tax also has an environmental objective.
Rough and preliminary estimations of the new Owners Green Tax show that it has had some
effect in this regard.
Finally, it should be noted that it is the transport activities that cause
the environmental effects, rather than the possession of vehicles as such. In this regard,
the vehicle fuel taxes have an important role to play.
The high registration tax may be argued to have an income-distributional
effect, because it renders it fairly expensive to acquire a vehicle. Assessing the
relative economic burden that the tax imposes on various incomes groups, it is typically
concluded that the registration tax and the taxes on vehicle fuels have a relatively
higher impact on the higher income groups than on the low-income groups.
Vehicle fuels have been taxed in Denmark since 1927. The legal foundation
is the Government Order on Energy Taxes on Mineral Oil Products of 28 September, 1998.
Border-trade concerns and concerns related to the Single European Market have limited the
scope of action for the Danish government in this field. The taxes are considered as a
part of the energy tax system.
The prime objective of the tax is two-folded: to generate revenue and to
control imports of fuels. However, over the last decade, environmental concerns have
become steadily more integrated into the vehicle fuel tax scheme. By increasing the fuel
price, the tax can be expected to reduce the demand for vehicle fuels and diesel with a
consequent positive impact on the environment (reduced exhaustion, noise, and congestion).
Environmental concerns first entered the vehicle fuel tax scheme
explicitly in 1986, where unleaded petrol became subject to a lower level of taxation than
leaded petrol. The level of tax differentiation was changed a number of times. In the
1990s, the differential typically resulted in a consumer price difference of about 7%. Tax
differentiation was thus used as an explicit means of attaining an environmental
improvement (the phase-out of lead in petrol). Today, tax differentiation is used in
favour of fuels supplied with the use of vapour recovery installations. In these cases,
the difference is DKK 0.03/litre.
A tax differentiation in favour of petrol with low content of benzene
entered into force January 1, 1998. This scheme involves a gradual increase in the
differentiation according to the benzene content. There are five levels. The difference
between the highest level (benzene content between 4% and 5%) and the lowest level
(benzene content less than 1%) is DKK 0.08/litre. By year 2000, only petrol with benzene
contents lower than 1% can be sold in Denmark.
The increase in motor fuel taxes during the period of 1994-1998 was
motivated in the tax reform from 1994. The increases are thus to be seen as an integral
part of the efforts to reduce the burden of taxation for labour, and in turn, increase
environmental taxation, and the efforts to control the demand for vehicle fuels.
The tax on diesel fuel is smaller than the tax on petrol. Today, the tax
is about DKK 1 less than the tax on petrol. From June 1, 1999, tax incentives have been
introduced for diesel with a sulphur content below 50 pmm. It is estimated that all
autodiesel sold in Denmark in the near future will meet this specification. Diesel fuels
are also subject to a CO2 tax of DKK 0.27/litre.
The tax on vehicle fuels is calculated as a fixed amount per litre of the
various types of fuel: petrol, diesel, LPG, and natural gas. Consumer fuel prices tend to
be at levels comparable to those applied in Germany. This is due to border trade concerns.
Petrol taxes were raised (and diesel taxes lowered) in 1990, and industry became liable to
the tax on diesel fuel in 1991. As a consequence of the tax reform from 1994, vehicle fuel
taxes have increased substantially in the period of 1994-1998. Tax increases have been in
the order of 20%. These increases are thus in line with the environmental approach taken
in the tax reform. The resulting levels still correspond to the levels that apply in
Germany. Table 5.3 shows the tax rates that were applied in 1998. It should be noted that
all fuel types, except petrol, are also subject to the CO2 tax.
This tax is further described in section 6.1.
Table 5.3
Vehicle fuel tax. 1999[7]
Vehicle fuel type |
DKK/litre |
Gas and diesel fuel |
2.35 |
Petrol* (with a no-lead lubricating additive) |
4.42 |
Unleaded petrol* |
3.77 |
Petroleum |
2.35 |
LPG |
2.63 |
*For petrol, two other tax differentiation schemes are in effect. The
first contains a differentiation depending on the benzene content of the fuel, and the
latter reduces the tax if vapour recovery installations are in place. The maximum
difference according to benzene content is 0.08 DKK/litre, and the reduction in the case
of vapour recovery amounts to 0.03 DKK/litre.
Households and VAT-registered entities are liable to the vehicle fuel
taxes, whereas public transport receives a 100% refund. This means that public transport
does not de-facto pay vehicle fuel taxes.
It requires a certain amount of transport volume per year for a
diesel-driven car to be more economical than a petrol-driven car, i.e. to take advantage
of the lower tax on diesel. This is, because the diesel-driven cars are more expensive to
purchase. Thus, due to the design of the vehicle tax system, households typically use
petrol-driven cars, whereas diesel is the most commonly applied motor fuel for commercial
vehicles. Consequently, and because households have the largest share of the vehicles in
Denmark, households contribute the highest share of the revenue generated from vehicle
fuel taxes.
The revenue from the vehicle fuel taxes enters into the overall government
budget. In 1998, the revenue from the petrol tax was MDKK
8,834[8]
and the diesel fuel tax approximately MDKK 3,800[9].
As with all other product taxes, the tax is collected by the importers and
producers of vehicle fuels. Collection at this level simplifies the administrative burden
of collection and control.
It is the consumer of the vehicle fuel who pays the tax. Thus, the tax is
paid every time the vehicle is filled up. Importers of vehicle fuels and gas stations must
register with the Department for Customs and Excise. The Department collects the taxes
from the importers of vehicle fuels, based on reports on sales of fuels. The importers
must give financial security for the payment of the tax.
Typically, the taxes constitute about two-thirds of the consumer price for
petrol fuels in Denmark. For diesel fuels, the tax constitutes about 1/3 of the consumer
price, including the VAT.
The prime objective of the vehicle fuel taxes has, for decades, been
fiscal rather than environmental. In a fiscal sense, the taxes generate substantial
revenues to the government. In recent years, however, environmental concerns are
increasingly being taken into consideration. This is reflected in the enhanced use of tax
differentiation to pursue environmental objectives. Further, the tax level has been
increased since 1994 as part of the 1994 tax reform. These increases were motivated in the
wish to increase environmental taxation, and thereby to establish the fiscal room for the
lowering of the taxation of labour.
The vehicle fuel taxes add to the selling price of fuels. To the consumer,
however, the relevant price is the fuel price per kilometre rather than the price per
litre of fuel. As mentioned in the previous section, the fuel economy of vehicles tend to
be improved year by year, and this process may be further accelerated if a common EU
effort is implemented, aiming at an ultimate 20% improvement.
Consequently, for the fuel taxes to actually provide an incentive to
reduce the number of kilometres driven, they must be set with a view to both the current
production price of fuel (which varies), and with a view to the developments in the fuel
economy of vehicles.
The demand for fuels has been little affected by tax increases. This is
most likely explained by an increase in the demand for transport, possibly resulting from
the above improvements in fuel economy of new vehicles. Thus, it may not necessarily be a
reflection of insensitivity of demand to fuel prices.
Evidence, however, suggests that tax differentiation schemes have an
effect. This applies in particular to the role played by tax-differentiation in the
phasing-out of lead in petrol.
In 1986, unleaded petrol had a market share in Denmark of almost nil. By
1994, leaded petrol was completely phased out in Denmark. The tax differential has been
one of the driving forces behind this phaseout. The process was further supported by a
number of other measures, which included: 1) a gradual lowering of the limits for the
content of lead in leaded petrol, 2) emission limits (as from late 1990) necessitating the
need for catalytic converters in new cars (which in turn need unleaded petrol to be
effective), and 3) awareness building, in terms of, e.g. information campaigns to overcome
consumers reluctance as to the applicability of unleaded petrol. The tax
differential had a direct effect in terms of directly affecting consumers demand.
Further, it had an indirect effect through its impact on the behaviour of the oil
companies. The differential encouraged oil companies to develop and use a no-lead
lubricating additive that could be used in older cars. The older cars were previously in
need for lead to provide the lubricating effect for the valves. Further, it provided oil
companies with an incentive to participate in information campaigns in order to increase
the market share of unleaded petrol.
As the taxes are imposed on vehicle drivers only, they can be said to have
some income-distributional concerns incorporated, particularly in light of the fact that
public transport is exempted from the taxes. This assumes, of course, that it is mainly
the lower-income groups who do not have a car at their disposal. In that sense, the system
(including also the vehicle tax system) indirectly provides for an income redistribution
between wealthier (vehicle possessing) groups of society to less wealthy groups that do
not possess a car. In this regard, it should also be noted that the Danish tax system
allows some tax deductions to cover part of the work-related transport. This is
independent of whether private or public modes of transport are used.
Well-supplied with groundwater
Denmark is well supplied with groundwater of a drinkable quality. The
almost immediate use of groundwater (with very little treatment) as tap water is an area
of specific priority in Denmark. The current tap water use constitutes about 2/3 of the
available annual water resource. Consumption has been stagnant since the 1970s. Since 1991
the consumption has even decreased as illustrated in Table 5.4.
Table 5.4
Supply of Tap water in Denmark. Million m3/year.
1991 |
1992 |
1993 |
1994 |
1995 |
551,2 |
539,6 |
512,5 |
493,2 |
480,8 |
* excl. water recovery for large industry, the agricultural sector and
fish farming when this is based on single wells. Denmarks Statistic in 10 years,
1997
Consequently, the present level of tap water consumption does not pose a
threat to the groundwater resources. Still, there are regional differences in Denmark. In
some parts of the country the groundwater level is fairly low during summer.
The 1994 tax reform aimed to attach an economic value to the use of
natural resources and environment in order to minimise over-consumption and the strain on
the environment. Within the frames of the 1994 tax reform, a new charge on tap water was
introduced and has been in effect since 1994.
Consumers shall pay for a natural good
The purpose of the tap water tax is to make consumers pay for the use of a
natural resource, thereby, consumers have an incentive to avoid unnecessary tap water use.
The tax has another important effect, because used tap water is mostly discharged as
sewage. Thus, the underlying purpose is to decrease the amount of sewage discharged to the
sewage plants. This will lead to a decline in the discharges of pollutants into
watercourses, lakes and seas. The treatment plants typically treat the sewage down to a
pre-fixed concentration level of pollutants.
Further, the tax was also intended to provide an incentive to water
companies to maintain their water pipes in a state that would minimise the leakage of
water during distribution. This is further explained below.
For competitive reasons, the tax applies to neither industry, nor
agriculture.
The households pay the tax
The tax is levied on the water companies. The companies in turn collect
the payments from the households. The exemption of industry and agriculture is effectuated
through the VAT system. All VAT-registered enterprises and firms pay the tax, but they
receive a full tap water tax refund upon payment of their VAT. The service sector is not
entitled to a similar refund.
The tax was introduced gradually following the scheme shown below. By
1998, the tax was fully implemented at its final level of 5 DKK/m3.
This corresponds to around 15-20% of the average price on water (including sewage fees and
taxes).
Table 5.5
Introduction of tap water tax in Denmark.
Year |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
Tax rate. DKK/m3 |
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
5 |
The tax is also levied on private properties whose tap water comes from a
private well instead of a public or private water company. In these cases the dutiable
water consumption is calculated on the assumption that the amount of tap water use is 170
m3 annually for each household.
The water companies
The second purpose of the water tax is to minimise leakage of water as a
consequence of a poor maintenance of the water pipes. This purpose is also incorporated
into the tax base. The water companies must always pay tax for at least 90% of the
abstracted water, no matter whether they actually end up having provided the consumers
with less (due to leakage) than the 90%. The 90% figure is motivated from the fact there
will always be some leakage no matter the level of maintenance. Consequently, if, for
example, only 80% of the abstracted water is actually delivered to the end-users, the
water company will actually be liable to a higher tax payment (for 90% of the abstracted
water) than the amount they can reclaim from consumers (tax payments for the 80% only).
The tax is clearly shown on the water bill
The public and private water companies must register with and pay the tax
to the Department of Customs and Excise. The tax is fully passed on to consumers, because
they pay the tax through their water bills. The tax is explicitly written on the bill to
the households in order to make it clearly identifiable. Thus, the basic principle is that
the water companies collect the tax from the households and forward it to the Department
of Customs and Excise.
In Denmark, the estimation of the liable tax is based on the actual
consumption of tap water. From January 1, 1999, all private houses are required to have
water meters installed. However, there are exceptions from the liability to install
meters. For example, apartments do not have to do this, although meters may of course be
installed. In this case, meters are, however, typically installed for the whole block and
the payments distributed among the households according to agreed principles.
Before January 1,1999, it was not mandatory to install meters. In cases
where meters were not installed, the tax was calculated based on an estimate of 170 m3
being consumed, rather than the actual use of tap water. The estimate of 170 m3
was deliberately set at a fairly high level in order to provide an incentive
for consumers to install water meters. A clear trend could actually be observed of water
meters being installed on an increasing scale and on a voluntary basis up until the
introduction of the mandatory requirement to do so. In buildings such as summer cottages
that are not used all the year, and where meters are not installed, the tax base is
estimated at a consumption level of 70 m3 per year.
Table 5.6
Revenue from the tap water tax. 1995-1998.
Year |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
Revenue. MDKK |
295 *) |
654 |
970 |
1279 |
1,544 |
*) this is based on a collection of revenues for 11 months of the year
the registration of payments is one month behind.
Source: Finanslov for finansåret 1999 and Statsregnskab
for finansåret 1998
Table 5.4 shows a clear trend of a declining water supply in Denmark. In
the period of 1991-1995, it declined by 13%. There are four major reasons for this
decline:
| awareness building such as information campaigns; |
| the increased water user fees during the period; |
| the increased use of water meters; and |
| the introduction of the tax in 1994. |
The information on revenue during the period of 1994-1998 (Table 5.6) may
be used to provide an estimate of the development in water consumption in this period. The
result of this is shown in Table 5.7.
It should be emphasised that figures taken from Table 5.4 and estimates
based on Table 5.6 need not be comparable[10].
Nevertheless Table 5.7 indicates that reductions in water use were mainly achieved in the
period prior to the introduction of the tax on tap water.
The combination of increased water prices with the option of either paying
a fixed rate corresponding to 170 m3 per year or payments
according to meters, have encouraged households to install meters. This has, in turn,
provided an incentive for water savings, because such savings are fully reflected in
reduced payments.
If industry was liable to the tax to the same extent as households, this
could significantly increase the water saving potential, but it would in turn impact
negatively on industrys competitiveness.
Table 5.7
Estimated amounts of tap water liable to the tap water tax. 1994-1997.
Year |
1991 |
1992 |
1993 |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
Water supply. m3
(Table 5.4) |
551 |
540 |
513 |
493 |
481 |
|
|
Liable amounts of water. m3 |
|
|
|
295 *) |
327 |
323 |
320 |
*) this is based on revenue information that covers 11 months of the year.
Source: Statistics Denmark. Statistisk tiårsoversigt. Tema om Miljø.
1997
The rationale for the tax is motivated from the wish to tax the use of a
natural resource. Ideally, the tax should reflect the scarcity of this resource. This
would, however, imply that the tax would be high in some areas and low (or even nil) in
others. For efficiency and income-distributional reasons, this has not been considered
desirable.
While the strict environmental motivation (the taxing of the use of a
scarce resource) for the tax is fairly weak under the current conditions, where ground
water resources are fairly abundant at present, the tax still has a number of
environmental merits, that is:
| it enhances consumers awareness of the issue and thereby it contributes to
enhancing the general environmental awareness of the public; |
| it contributes to reduce the sewage amounts. All discharge water is subject to similar
treatments[11].
Treatment plants typically treat the sewage to a specific individually determined
concentration of P, N, and O. Reduced tap water use will inevitably lead to reduced
amounts of sewage. The sewage would still be treated down to the given concentrations of
P, N, and O, however, as the amount of sewage is reduced, so also is the amount of
pollutants (N, P and O) that are discharged to the aquatic environment from sewage plants,
and |
| it can be seen as a preventive measure that contributes to prevent increased tap
water use. |
In regard to its effect on the level of maintenance and repair of pipe
systems, it is difficult to assess whether it has had any effect. The design of the tax,
however, would indicate that for pipe systems in a relatively poor shape, savings achieved
from reduced leakage could be sufficient to cover the costs of repair.
The collection scheme applied is based on the already existing systems for
the collection of water related user fees, thereby reducing the additional administrative
burden for the water companies. Furthermore, the water companies administer and collect
the tax from all users in a similar way, and are not concerned with or involved in the tax
refund. This is bilaterally dealt with by the Customs and Tax Department and the
individual entity in question, and is effectuated through the VAT collection.
Consequently, no new mechanisms were introduced, as the tax has been implemented solely
through the use of existing systems.
In June 1998, the Danish Parliament agreed to expand and revise the
existing tax on containers that only applied to bottles and jars into a broader tax
on certain retail containers:
Until June 1998 the tax was based on the volume of the container
and applied only to bottles and jars. Since January 1, 1999, the tax has instead been
based on the weight of the materials used for a wider range of containers.
- The new tax implies an extension of the scope of the tax to cover more types of
commodity groups than before.
The Danish Folketing adopted the new tax in 1998, and it entered into
force on January 1, 1999.
The former volume-based tax covered bottles and jars that were used as
containers of liquid substances. The liquid substances covered by the tax were alcoholic
liquors, wine, beer, soft drinks, water and mineral water, juice, vinegar oil, sweet oil,
and methylated spirits.
In some cases, the new tax is still volume-based. Thus, for retail
containers used for beer, wine, and carbonated soft drinks, the tax remains volume-based.
The reason is, that in these cases, the tax is strongly related to the returnable bottle
system that has been in place in Denmark for many years. This system is further described
in chapter 8.
For all other applications, the tax is a weight-based tax.
The weight-based tax applies to a number of container materials. These are
summarised in Table 5.8.
Table 5.8
The tax base for the tax on certain retail containers
Tax type |
Packaging type |
Applications covered |
Volume based tax |
bottles with a volume < 20 litre |
liqueur;
wine and beers;
mineral water; carbonised
lemonade and other products that contains carbonic acid (soft drinks). |
Weight based tax |
paper;
fibreboard;
textiles;
glass;
ceramics;
plastic types;
laminate;
aluminium;
steel;
wood. |
mineral water, lemonade and other drinks that
are non carbonised;
water;
vinegar and sweet oil;
methylated spirits;
detergents;
oil-products;
pesticides;
paint;
perfume and cosmetics;
anti-freeze and wind screen washers;
chemicals;
dairy products;
food for pets; and
sauces, mustard and tomato juice. |
An individual tax rate applies to each of the different materials, but
similar tax rates are used for all applications. Thus, the weight-based tax level is
determined only by the container material used for the container in question. Only a
certain pre-defined number of applications are, however, covered by the tax.
The new weight-based tax is similar to the German user charge on certain
retail containers. Germany is a major trade partner for Danish industry. It is assumed
that this fact can contribute to the ease of the administrative burden on Danish
enterprises that trade with partners in Germany.
The tax aims to reduce the amounts of packaging material used and disposed
of, thereby contributing to the reduction of the use of resources used to produce
packaging material, and more importantly, the amounts of packaging waste to be disposed
of.
The applications covered by the tax are shown in Table 5.8. The number is
fairly limited at present, but it is expected that a wider range of applications will
become liable to the tax in the future. It is the initial intention, however, to introduce
the system on a more limited scale, and to carefully monitor the results achieved, and the
problems encountered in the first years of the tax. Experience will thereby be gathered on
the effects of the tax. This experience will be used to improve the environmental and
technical knowledge on feasible options to reduce the use of packaging material.
The tax on certain retail containers consists of two types; the volume
based tax and the weight based tax. The tax base is illustrated in Table 5.8. The tax
rates are shown in Table 5.9 for the weight-based tax.
Table 5.9
Weight-based tax rates for certain retail containers
Packaging material |
Rate, DKK/kg. |
Flexible fibre based material |
19,50 |
Fibre based materials |
7,50 |
Recycled, non-flexible, fibre based material |
6,00 |
Glass and Ceramics |
0,75 |
Plastic:
- dimensionally stable
- dimensionally stable and moulded
- dimensionally stable and UN-approved
- flexible |
7,50
4,50
6,00
30,00
|
Laminate |
15,00 |
Aluminium |
11,25 |
Tinplate and other steel containers:
- in general
- UN-approved |
3,75
3,00
|
Wood |
6,00 |
The tax rates for the volume-based rate are shown in Table 5.10.
Table 5.10
The volume-based tax rate for certain retail containers
Volume |
DKK per container |
Containers of cardboard/laminates |
Containers of other
materials |
Volume < 10 cl. |
0.15 |
0.25 |
10 cl. < Volume > 40 cl. |
0.30 |
0.50 |
40 cl. < Volume > 60 cl. |
0.50 |
0.80 |
60 cl. < Volume > 110 cl. |
1.00 |
1.60 |
110 cl. < Volume > 160 cl. |
1.50 |
2.40 |
160 < Volume |
2.00 |
3.20 |
Source: Ministry of Taxation, 1999
All enterprises liable to the tax must register with the Department of
Customs and Excise. Liable enterprises are:
| enterprises that bottle, fill up or pack goods within the above-mentioned commodity
groups (applications); |
| enterprises that import goods that were packed abroad (including also other EU
countries); and |
| firms that act as intermediaries and/or firms that trade in unused packaging materials. |
Compared to the old tax, the new tax will lead to a substantial increase
in the number of liable enterprises.
The tax applies only to materials that are used for containers. It does
not apply to the similar materials when they are used in the production of goods. The
liable enterprises must, therefore keep separate accounts on the amounts of materials used
to produce retail containers.
Liable enterprises must notify the tax authorities. The Department for
Customs and Excise will issue a registration certificate to the enterprises.
The tax authorities undertake the control of the enterprises. Enterprises
must keep their accounts, so that the tax authorities can effectuate the control.
Employees in the businesses are obliged to assist the tax authorities with any information
they may require on the accounts submitted to the authorities.
Non-compliance, including non-payment of taxes, is sanctioned with fines.
In 1998, the revenue from taxes on retail container amounted MDKK 809. The
expected revenue from the tax in 1999 is MDKK 950.
The previous, more narrowly defined volume-based tax, did not provide a
sufficient incentive for producers to reduce the amounts of materials used for packaging.
To illustrate this, one litre of mineral water can be contained in either a bottle with a
thick layer of plastic, or a bottle with a thin layer of plastic, and the tax did not
differentiate between these two options.
The weight-based tax thus provides an incentive to use less material,
although it should be noted that certain applications are still subject to a volume-based
tax.
In regard to the weight-based tax, the efficiency of the tax structure
(i.e. the set of rates shown in Table 5.9) is an important issue. In this regard,
efficiency concerns may, among other things, relate to:
| the extent to which the tax level is sufficient to provide a significant economic
incentive to an actual reduction in the use of the packaging materials; |
| the extent to which the tax encourages the use of materials which are less
environmentally harmful at the expense of those that are more environmentally harmful. It
should be noted that the tax does not aim to pursue this objective. Rather, the tax aims
to reduce the use of container (packaging) material within each group of packaging
types covered by the tax; |
| the extent to which the tax structure reflects the actual substitution and reduction
possibilities. Ideally, each tax rate should be set to provide a sufficient incentive for
behavioural changes which are economically feasible, and have a positive net environmental
impact; |
| the extent to which the system is comprehensive, in the sense that it does not encourage
any undesired behavioural effects. This could, for example, be that the tax, in some
cases, encouraged more use of materials that are more environmentally harmful, but not
covered by the tax. |
| the extent to which the tax has negative effects on the competitiveness of Danish
industry; |
| the extent to which the tax imposes too large administrative burdens on industry,
compared with the environmental benefits achieved. |
It is, however, too early to assess the efficiency of the tax. It has only
been in force for about two years. However, it remains a fact that the new tax is more
directly targeted at environmental objectives, and it is also more ambitiously designed in
that regard. In the longer run, it is expected that the weight-based tax will be replaced
by an even more environmental-based tax. This could, for example, be based on life cycle
assessments.
The tax on disposable tableware has been in effect since 1982. It applies
to tableware made of plastic materials and to the chemicals contained in the products (the
disposable tableware). A minor change to the tax was prepared in 1998, and entered into
force on Apri1 l, 1998. The change was motivated by a need for administrative
simplifications. Previously, the tax applied to disposable plastic tableware as such, and
to disposable tableware that contained some chemicals substances. The revised tax defines
both the product (disposable tableware) and the chemical substances in it as disposable
tableware.
The tax on disposable tableware aims to reduce waste volumes and to
promote recycling. Hence, its motivation is highly environmental, although it also has a
fiscal purpose.
The tax is imposed on the producers of disposable tableware and on those
who either trade in or import these goods. The tax is also value-based. Initially, the tax
level corresponded to 1/6 of the dutiable value. Since 1989, however, the tax has been set
at a rate of 1/3 of the wholesale price of the product (this corresponds to 50% of the
price exclusive of VAT). For imported tableware, the tax rate is 50% of the import value.
The producers and importers must register with the Department of Customs
and Excise. The tax authorities can allow a specific business not to register if its
annual dutiable turnover is less than the DKK 10,000, or if it is less than 1/3 of the
turnover of the dutiable goods.
The registered businesses are to pay the tax on dutiable tableware, unless
the tax duty is transferred to another registered business. However, there are certain
exemptions from the liability to pay the tax; for instance, in cases where goods have been
damaged and cases of fire or burglary.
The businesses must report on amounts of disposable tableware by the end
of each month. If the tax is below DKK 50 the business does not have to pay each month,
but can add the taxes up until they amount to more than DKK 50.
Revenues from the tax are small, with a declining tendency, as seen from
Table 5.11.
Table 5.11
Revenue from the tax on disposable tableware. 1995-1998
Year |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
Revenue, MDKK |
72 |
59 |
56 |
56 |
Source: Finanslovsforslag 1999 and Statsregnskab for
finansåret 1998
The purpose of the tax is to reduce the use of disposable tableware. Table
5.11 shows that the revenue is declining. This indicates a decline in the use of
disposable tableware, which may be, however, attributable to other factors, such as
changes in consumers preferences. Still, the tax may also have had an effect.
The Danish government launched an Action Plan to reduce the use of
ozone-depleting substances (ODS) in October 1988. This was a follow-up to the so-called
Montreal Protocol. The Protocol sets the global framework for the phaseout of ODS. The
plan contained six elements:
| efforts at the international level; |
| a reduction plan for the use of CFC, including bans; |
| a tax on the use of CFC and halons; |
| legislation (use bans); |
| a Research & Development programme; and |
| data collection in support of control and monitoring. |
The CFC and halons tax entered into force in January 1989, and the tax
level has remained unchanged since then. The use bans were implemented by a 1990 order,
and were revised and tightened several times: in 1992, 1993, 1994, and 1995. Use of CFCs
has been prohibited since January 1995, however, in a very limited number of cases, it is
still possible to obtain a specific permission to use CFCs.
The CFC and halons tax aims to provide an incentive to reduce the use of
CFCs and halons. At the time when the tax was introduced, funds were also allocated for a
research programme on CFC and halon. There was no earmarking though. Funds for the
Research and Development programme were allocated independently from the general state
budget.
The tax is DKK 30/kg CFC and halon. It applies to:
| import and production of 5 CFC types and 3 halon types[13]
when these were used either in the production of or in the maintenance of the following
product groups: |
| district heating pipe work; domestic refrigerators; domestic freezers; chilling and
frost counters/cabinets; industrial refrigeration and freezers installations; mobile
refrigeration and freezers (transportation); panels for cooling and freezing compartments;
insulated doors and gates; extruded polystyrene insulation; structure foam (exempted
December 1989, due to monitoring difficulties); sealing foam; mould release agents,
aerosols, foghorns; and fire-fighting equipment containing halons. |
| In 1989, flexible foam and cleaning solvents were exempted from the tax; motivated by
concerns over competitiveness. The final products produced under these applications do not
contain CFC. Consequently, it was not possible to tax the imported products, whereas the
tax was imposed on domestic producers that used cleaning solvents and flexible foam in
their production. |
| import of products that contain the dutiable substances (as listed in footnote 13). |
To prevent negative effects on the competitiveness of Danish industry,
exported products were entitled to a 100% refund. The refund was established, based on the
content of CFC and halons in the exported products.
There are substantial variations in the ozone-depleting potentials of the
taxed CFCs and halons. It varies from a factor 0.6 (CFC-115) to a factor 10 (Halon-1301).
However, the tax is not differentiated according to the ozone-depleting potentials of each
of the taxed substances. Instead, a unitary tax rate is applied.
The exemption, in 1989, of structure foam, flexible foam, and cleaning
solvents from the tax, actually implied that about 30% of the CFC consumption became
exempted from the tax. Moreover, these applications represented areas where substitution
costs were lower than the tax. The behavioural effect of the tax since 1989 can therefore
be expected to be limited.
There were two different collection schemes. One scheme applied to the use
of CFCs and halons as such, and another applied to products that contained these
substances:
Import and production of CFCs and Halons: The importers/producers
must register with the Customs and Excise Department of the Danish Ministry of Taxation.
They must maintain records on the flow of the dutiable substances, and on a quarterly
basis pay the corresponding tax to the customs authorities.
Import and export of products containing CFCs and halons: Companies
that engage in the import and export of products that contain CFCs and halons are not
obliged to register. Instead, they are liable to the tax at the time of importation or
exportation. Hence, taxes are dealt with through customs declarations.
It was expected that the tax would generate revenues in the order of DKK
111 million the first year, and that this would decline gradually to zero because of the
use bans. However, the revenue turned out to be negative for the first year. In the
following two years, it only amounted to DKK 26 million and DKK 12 million respectively.
The reasons for these low revenues were mainly:
| hoarding prior to the implementation of the tax; |
| a faster reduction in the use of CFCs than expected; and |
| biases in the tax collection system.[14]
|
For 1998, the tax generated a tiny revenue of DKK 0.2 million. This
reflects todays small use of CFCs. The ordinary use of CFCs has been
prohibited since 1995. Today, CFC may only be used on the condition that specific
permissions have been obtained. Such permissions are granted in very few cases only, such
as for analytical use.
The ozone-depleting substances were phased out faster than originally
anticipated. Consequently, the complete ban could be implemented earlier than expected.
Already in 1995, the use of ozone-depleting substances in Denmark dropped to virtually
zero. Hence, the overall CFC Action Plan was effective in achieving a rapid phaseout of
ODS.
The rapid reduction in the use of CFCs and halons is, however, mainly
attributable to the pre-announcement and specific timing of the use bans. This encouraged
producers to accelerate the development of financially and technically feasible
alternatives. This effect was further supported through the research and development
programme.
Initially, it was assumed that the tax would have a significant negative
effect on the use of those CFCs that had relatively low substitution costs. However, the
exemption in 1989 of cleaning solvents and flexible foam from the tax implied that exactly
these applications were not liable to the tax.
Figure 5.1
Developments in Denmark in the use of CFCs and halons. 1986-1996
Note: The zig-zag development of halon consumption is due to hoarding
following the announcement of users ban on various halons.
Still, while the administrative means and the R&D programme thus had
the largest effect on the use of ODS, the tax has still played a role, especially through
its signal-effect.
Chlorinated solvents are substances that for many years have been
considered harmful to both the natural environment and occupational health. Some
chlorinated solvents deplete the ozone layer, while others possess a risk for the quality
of the ground water. They are harmful for the human nerve system and some of the solvents
are perceived to be carcinogenic.
The tax on chlorinated solvents is one of the relatively new and truly
green taxes. It went into force on January 1, 1996. The tax dates back to a
comprehensive report from the Ministry of Finance (1994) on green taxes[15],
which outlined the options for a wider use of green taxes in general. It concluded that
the existing regulation of chlorinated solvents was insufficient, and recommended a tax on
chlorinated solvents as a cost-efficient means to reduce the use.
The purpose of the tax is environmental. The tax aims to reduce the use of
chlorinated solvents, and to provide a further incentive to develop less environmentally
harmful alternatives to chlorinated solvents. Furthermore, the tax is motivated by the
need to prevent an occurrence that may come from the ban on the use of the ozone-depleting
CFCs (see section 5.7). That is, the need to prevent the increase in the use of
chlorinated solvents (that, in some cases, can be substitutes for the CFCs).
The tax applies to the three most commonly used chlorinated solvents. At
the time of implementation, it was estimated that the use of these chlorinated solvents
together accounted for 95% of the total domestic use of chlorinated solvents.
The tax amounts to 2 DKK/kg of chlorinated solvent, which corresponds to a
consumer price increase of about 25%. The tax applies to:
| the use of three substances: tetrachloroethylene, trichloroethylene, and
dichloromethane. The current use of these substances is about 2000 ton/year; and |
| imports of products which contain the above dutiable substances (like glue, paint and
detergents). The imported amount of chlorinated solvents in these products is estimated at
around 1000 ton/year. |
The tax applies to the chlorinated solvents in their pure form. It also
applies, in cases where the chlorinated solvents are found in other goods if their
concentration exceeds 1 percent by weight. In this case, the tax is termed a contribution
tax.
There is a direct positive relation between the use of solvents (measured
in kilo), and emissions to the environment. All three substances have similar
environmental impacts. Consequently, the tax is well designed from an environmental
perspective.
The tax on substances and products sold for export is refunded. This is
motivated by concerns over competitiveness.
Producers and importers of chlorinated solvents, plus importers of
products that contain the solvents, pay the tax to the regional offices of the Department
of Customs and Excise.
Enterprises that produce (or regain and sell) the three dutiable solvents
must register with the customs authorities. Registered enterprises are liable to the tax
once the solvents in question leave the enterprise.
Imports of products that contain dutiable substances must be accompanied
by a declaration from the manufacturer on the amount of dutiable substance in the
products. Enterprises that import such products must:
| either register with the customs authorities and pay the tax when the products leave the
enterprise; or |
| report continuously to the customs authorities on products imported and pay
simultaneously with this reporting. |
In 1998, the revenue from the tax on chlorinated solvents was 2.3 MDKK[16].
Table 5.12
Annual revenue from the tax on chlorinated solvents, MDKK
1996 1) |
1997 |
1998 |
3.23 |
3.26 |
2.3 |
1) the revenue comprise the 11 months of domestic use and sales of
chlorinated solvents, together with the taxes paid for chlorinated solvents on stock. 2)
the first figure (1.64) applies to the first eight months of the year.
The revenue of 3.26 MDKK in 1997 corresponds to a total annual use of
about 1,600 tons. When the tax went into force on January 1, 1996, it was estimated that
the annual use of the solvents amounted to 2,000 tons of the chlorinated solvents in their
pure form, and another 1,000 tons as components of other goods. While these estimates are
somewhat uncertain, the figures nevertheless indicate that already in 1997, a reduction in
the use of chlorinated solvents had been achieved. Further, the table shows that from 1997
to 1998, the revenue declined by another 30%.
The tax on chlorinated solvents was implemented, although there was
substantial uncertainty about its exact implications. In the comments to the draft law, it
is explicitly mentioned that the tax was designed without full information on, for
example, options for substitution. Therefore, the comments also state that the
implementation of the tax should be monitored carefully in order to identify areas where
revisions or adjustments might be necessary. The tax was expected to lead to a reduction
in the use of chlorinated solvents in the order of 15%.
Table 5.13 shows the development in the net-imports of the chlorinated
solvents covered by the tax. The table clearly confirms the indication of significant
reductions in the use of the solvents, as also indicated in Table 5.12. In regard to the
table, it should be noted that analyses indicate that trichlorethylene and
tetrachlorethylene are mainly used in their pure form (95% and 97% respectively of the
total use), whereas, only 74% of the use of dichlormethane is in its pure form.
Table 5.13
Net-import (tons/year) of the chlorinated solvents covered by the tax 1).
Type of chlorinated solvent |
1992-1995
Simple
average |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
Diclormethane |
483 |
278 |
|
|
Trichlorethylene |
1000 |
792 |
477 |
356 |
Tetrachlorethylene |
720 |
760 |
459 |
463 |
Source: Evaluering af Grønne Afgifter for Erhvervene.
1) The table does not include imports and exports of goods containing the chlorinated
solvents. Figures for 1992/1995 and for 1996-1998 are not fully comparable as data derives
from different sources.
While the use of dichlormethane in its pure form has declined, the solvent
is used in significant amounts as a component in lacquer removers.
All in all, Table 5.13 provides very strong indications that the tax has
had a substantial effect in terms of having reduced the use of chlorinated solvents. The
reduction appears less apparent, but is still significant, in the case of
tetrachlorethylene. This could indicate that substitution barriers are stronger in the
case of tetrachlorethylene.
Pesticides are used to kill weed, pest, and pathogenic fungi, thereby
improving agricultural yield. However, pesticides spread into the environment and may
cause pollution of soil, water, and air. During recent years, increasing amounts of
remnants of pesticides have been detected in crops, watercourses, lakes, groundwater, and
soil.
Denmark has had a national pesticide plan since 1986. Its purpose is to
protect the pesticide users, the general public, and the environment from the hazards of
pesticides. The plan aims to halve pesticide use by 1997, compared with the use in
1981-1985.
The use of pesticides is measured as:
| the amount of active ingredients used (measured in kg); and |
| the number of doses applied per hectare of cultivated land (called treatment intensity).
|
A number of initiatives have been taken to pursue the objectives of the
plan: stricter environmental standards for the use of pesticides; mandatory education
schemes for all farmers who use pesticides; and mandatory supervision of pesticide
application equipment. Agriculture counts for approximately 90% of the pesticide
consumption in Denmark. Farmers are also obligated to keep records of the quantity and
types of pesticides used on each field.
The tax on pesticides was implemented on January 1, 1996 as a further
means to promote the targeted reduction in pesticide use. The tax in itself aimed to
reduce pesticides use by 10%. A tax increase took effect November 1, 1998. The purpose of
the increase was to achieve a further 10% reduction.
The purpose of the pesticide tax is to reduce the use of pesticides. Due
to difficulties of measurement, the tax is not differentiated according to toxicity or
other indicators of the relative health and environmental impacts of the different
pesticides. Insecticides are taxed heavier than other pesticides. This merely reflects the
fact that insecticides are cheap. Therefore, insecticides must be imposed with a larger
tax in order for the tax to have an effect.
The tax base for the most important pesticides insecticides,
herbicides, and fungicides is the retail price of the pesticides. This is defined
as the maximum retail price for every single pesticide. The fact that the tax is based on
retail prices requires a strong monitoring of retail prices. This is achieved through a
price label system, which indicates a maximum selling price. Pesticides may not be sold at
prices that exceed the maximum price, and retailers who sells at a price lower than the
maximum price, or who offer a rebate, will not be entitled to corresponding tax refunds.
Table 5.14
Pesticides tax. Tax base and tax rates.
Pesticides |
Tax base |
Tax rate |
Insecticides, etc.
Insecticides
Combined insecticides/fungicides
Soil disinfectants |
retail price
retail price
retail price
|
53.85% of retail price, excl. tax
53.85% of retail price, excl. tax
53.85% of retail price, excl. tax
|
Herbicides |
retail price |
33.33% of retail price, excl. tax |
Fungicides, etc.
Fungicides
Repellents
Growth regulators |
retail price
retail price
retail price
|
33.33% of retail price, excl. tax
33.33% of retail price, excl. tax
33.33% of retail price, excl. tax
|
Wood preservatives, etc.
Wood preservatives
Slime products
Algae products
Rat products
Micro biological Plant products |
gross value
gross value
gross value
gross value
gross value
|
3% of gross value, incl. tax
3% of gross value, incl. tax
3% of gross value, incl. tax
3% of gross value, incl. tax
3% of gross value, incl. tax
|
Note: Before November 1, 1998, the tax rates for insecticides and
fungicides were 35% and 27% respectively, whereas the tax on wood preservatives was the
same as now.
The tax is imposed at the level of manufacturing and import. This reduces
the costs of control and administration, because the number of companies registered at
this level is considerably smaller than at the retail level. Enterprises that produce or
import the dutiable pesticides must register with the customs authorities.
In 1998, the revenue amounted to MDKK 298 [18].
It is expected to increase to MDKK 355 in 1999, as a result of the tax rate increases in
November 1998[19].
Simultaneously with the tax, property taxes were reduced for agricultural
properties. The tax and the reduced property taxes are legally and financially
independent. Nevertheless, the reduced property taxes are to be considered as deficiency
payments to agriculture. A similar observation applies to the recently introduced scheme
to provide financial support for the development of organic farming. This scheme was
introduced simultaneously with the increased pesticides tax on November 1, 1998.
The tax was implemented on January 1,1996. Consequently, the significant
increase in pesticide sales in 1995 may be due to hoarding behaviour prior to the entry
into force of the tax. The perceived hoarding in 1995 may also have impacted negatively
upon the estimates on the use in 1996. Therefore, it is necessary to consider these two
years jointly in an assessment of the effects of the tax. The treatment frequency for 1995
and 1996 together can be assessed to be 2.71. In 1997, this figure had dropped to 2.45.
Developments thus show a movement towards the ultimate target of 1.34.
Figure 5.2
The development of the pesticide use in Denmark, 1990-1996. Amount of pesticides used and
treatment intensity
The absence of a reliable and unambiguous environment-load index implies
that the tax scheme does not reflect the environmental and health pressures caused by the
different types of pesticides. Consequently, it could be a step forward if an
environment-load-index could be established to constitute the basis for setting the tax
rates. It is, however, highly uncertain whether this can practically be achieved.
The lack of an environmental load index implies that the tax has not been
constructed with a particular view to the relative toxicity of the various pesticides.
However, the tax has definitely lead to a decline in the overall treatment frequency, in
accordance with the intention of the law.
The environmental effects of the tax are mainly achieved through its
impact on overall demand and consequent treatment frequencies. It has virtually no impact
on the supply side, because pesticides products are developed and sold by large
international companies. Denmark is only one, fairly small, local market for these
companies.
Growth promoters are used as additives to fodder in order to increase the
growth of animals. In Denmark, approximately 100 tons of growth promoters were used
annually in the period 1991-1997. Approximately 80% were consumed in the production of
piglets and porkers.
In recent years, a lively debate has taken place on the relation between
the use of growth promoters and animal welfare. It is argued that the use of growth
promoters is contradictory to the rules of conduct for sound farming.
Consequently, the tax on growth promoters went into force on September 1,
1998. The tax aims to reduce the use of growth promoters by 60-70%. Other and more far
reaching initiatives, soon overshadowed the tax. These initiatives are expected to lead to
an eventual total phase-out of growth promoters by January 2000. The initiatives are:
- An agreement to regulate the use of growth promoters used in raising cattle, broilers,
and porkers (over 35 kg), made between the producers and slaughterhouses. The agreement
was signed and took effect in spring 1998. As a consequence of the agreement, the use of
growth producers was reduced by 37.5% during the first half of 1997, i.e. even before the
tax went into force.
- Between 96% and 98% of all porker producers by far the most important producer
group in regard to growth promoters have signed an agreement in which they
voluntarily agree to omit the use of growth promoters. Porker producers that have not
signed the agreement must pay a penalty payment to the slaughterhouse of DKK 0.20/kg meat.
This level is considered high enough to provide sufficient incentive to join the
agreement. Actually, the penalty payment is likely to affect the producer even more than
the tax.
- Following an intense debate in the national media in September 1998, the agricultural
organisations declared a total and voluntary stop for the use of growth promoters in
Danish agriculture. This also includes the production of piglets. The voluntary ban would
take effect from January 1, 2000. It is conditioned on the outcome of a major research
programme launched in the Autumn 1998, which seeks to develop effective substitutes for
growth promoters. At present, it is the expectation of the agricultural organisations that
the use of growth promoters will stop in late 1999.
The tax aims to reduce the use of growth producers by 60-70%, thereby
contibuting to the establishment of the conditions for a sound agriculture production.
Furthermore, it provides an incentive for the users to make voluntary agreements to stop
the use of growth promoters.
The tax on growth promoters is a product tax. It is imposed on
pure growth promotion substances and on imported products that contain growth
promoters. Table 5.15 illustrates the tax levels and the types of growth promoters covered
by the tax.
Table 5.15
Tax levels for dutiable Growth Promoters
Substance |
Tax level |
Zinkbacitracin |
DKK 1 / gram |
Spiramycin |
DKK 1 / gram |
Virginiamycin |
DKK 1 / gram |
Flavofosfolipol |
DKK 2.5 / gram |
Tylosinfosfat |
DKK 1.25 / gram |
Monensin natrium |
DKK 1 / gram |
Salinomycin natrium |
DKK 0.83 / gram |
Avilamycin |
DKK 1.25 / gram |
Carbadox . |
DKK 1 / gram |
Olaquindox |
DKK 1 / gram |
EU regulations establish maximum values for the allowed amounts of growth
promoters to be blended with the fodder. The maximum values differ from one growth
promoter to another. The EU regulations were taken into account when setting the tax
levels shown in Table 5.15, thereby, the tax levels have been set to ensure that the cost
effect per pig is the same, regardless of which growth producer is used. Consequently,
additives that need to be used in large quantities, and where maximum values are
correspondingly high, are taxed lower than additives that need only be used in small
amounts.
The tax rates shown in Table 5.15 imply that the costs of producing one
porker will increase by DKK 4. This corresponds to the net economic gain from the use the
growth promoters. Consequently, the tax has removed the economic incentive to use growth
producers in porker production. Porker production accounts for the major share of the use
of growth promoters.
However, the tax is not sufficient to fully remove the economic incentive
to use growth promoters in the production of piglets. The tax increases the cost
per piglet by DKK 4-5 while it is assumed that the net economic gain from the use of
growth promoters lies in the range of DKK 10 per piglet.
The tax is levied on production and import of growth promoters and on the
import of products containing growth promoters. The affected entities shall pay the tax to
the Department of Customs and Excise.
Those liable to the tax are:
| producers of growth promoters. Such enterprises must register with the national customs
authorities (The Department of Customs and Excise). They are obligated to keep record of
the production and purchase of growth promoters; and |
| importers of growth promoters. Such enterprises likewise must register with the national
customs authorities and must keep record of the purchase and deliveries for every one of
the ten dutiable growth promoters. |
Every month the registered enterprises must calculate the liable amount of
growth promoters, i.e. the amount of growth promoters sold by the enterprise as well as
its own use.
The realised revenue for 1998 was DKK 16 millions. The past and expected
trends in the use of growth promoters are illustrated in Figure 5.3. The figure clearly
illustrates that the used growth promoters declined already prior to the entry into force
of the tax.
Figure 5.3
Actual and estimated use of growth promoters in Denmark 1989-2000
Sources: Information on consumption from 1989-1996 is based on Dansk
Veterinærtidsskrift, 1998, 81, 8. The consumption for 1997 and 1998 is based on figures
from Ministry of Food, Agriculture and Fisheries. The figure for 1998 is a projection of
the consumption in the first six month of 1998. Information on expected consumption in
1999 and 2000 is given by Landbrugsraadet (the main Danish agricultural organisation).
The tax has been designed to completely remove the economic incentive to
use growth promoters in porker production; the single most important area of use. The tax
would thus be expected to lead to substantial reductions in the use of growth promoters.
In the case of piglets, the economic gain from the use of growth promoters will be
somewhat reduced by the tax, although there will still be an economic advantage.
Prior to the tax, a number of voluntary agreements and initiatives that
involved farmers, agricultural organisations and slaughterhouses, already initiated
substantial reductions in the use of growth promoters. The motivation for these agreements
and initiatives is largely to be found in the emotional public debate that took place in
early 1998. Further, the expectations that a tax was underway, may also have contributed
to accelerate this development.
The effects from these initiatives and agreements (described above) will
be substantial reductions in the use of growth promoters. Presumably, this will result in
a rapid total phaseout. The tax was actually implemented in spite of a strong opposition
to it from the agriculture organisations. The organisations argued that they, and the
slaughterhouses, were best suited to disclose the wishes of the consumers themselves, and
to define and implement the appropriate actions to meet the wishes of the consumers. The
development in the use of growth promoters in 1998 gives some credit to this argument.
On the other hand, the virtues of the tax should be recognised, that is:
| it has provided an effective signal to farmers that consumers and society as such, do
not approve of the use of growth promoters. The tax has thereby paved the way for an
understanding among farmers, that the use of growth promoters should be avoided if
consumer preferences were to be met; and |
| the tax levels have been high enough to provide many farmers with a new incentive
structure, which removes the economic rationale to use growth promoters. The tax may
thereby be considered as an important means of encouraging the voluntary agreements and
the planned voluntary ban on the use of growth promoters. |
The tax on NiCd-batteries (nickel-cadmium batteries) has been in force
since April 1, 1996. The tax constitutes a component in the intensified efforts of the
government to reduce pollution caused by lead batteries and by NiCd batteries. Lead
batteries are covered by a special recycling scheme that constitutes part of a voluntary
agreement. Batteries that contain mercury, have been phased-out.
NiCd-batteries contain the dangerous heavy metal cadmium. Cadmium is not
biodegradable and presents a health risk to human beings and animals when it is
concentrated in food such as vegetables. NiCd batteries actually constitute the largest
single potential contributor to cadmium pollution.
The batteries are sold separately, in packages or in wire-less appliances,
such as tools, computers, and mobile phones.
The tax should be seen in conjunction with the law on a collection scheme
of used NiCd batteries. The Environmental Protection Agency administers the scheme. The
batteries are collected in order to ensure that they are safely disposed of (recovered).
The collection scheme applies to all sectors (individuals, private
businesses, and public institutions), in the sense that everybody is obligated to hand in
their used batteries to enterprises that participate in the collection scheme. Enterprises
that participate in the collection scheme must ensure that the batteries are collected,
handled, and transported to recovery facilities in an environmentally safe manner.
Enterprises that collect the batteries must register with and obtain an approval from
DEPA. The batteries are delivered to recovery plants in Sweden or France.
The purpose of the tax is twofold. The tax aims to reduce the use of
NiCd-batteries, and to increase recovery rates of used batteries. To pursue the latter,
the revenue from the tax is used to provide the financial basis for an effective
collection scheme for the collection and recovery of used NiCd batteries. The law on this
refund scheme was adopted together with the law on the tax.
The tax only targets domestic use of NiCd batteries. For this, and for
competitive reasons, it does not apply to exports of NiCd-batteries. Export enterprises
that have paid the tax are entitled to a tax refund corresponding to the exported amounts.
Enterprises that participate in the collection scheme are entitled to tax
refunds. They become part of the collection scheme upon registration with the
Environmental Protection Agency. Today there are 15 such enterprises.
The tax is levied on both new and used NiCd-batteries. The tax amounts to
DKK 6/battery. A similar rate is applied when the batteries are included in other
products. Prior to the tax, there was a charge of DKK 2 per battery, and of DKK 8 per
package of batteries.
The Environmental Protection Agency administers the refund. It amounts to
DKK 120 per kilo of batteries returned, which by and large corresponds to the level of the
tax.
Refunds are allocated to the enterprises that collect the batteries. This
could, for example, be certain retail outlets that also sell the batteries or products
that contain the batteries. Individuals that hand in only a few batteries do not, however,
receive the refund.
The producers and importers of the NiCd-batteries must register with the
Department of Customs and Excise. The registered enterprises are given a certificate in
proof of their registration. The liable tax amount is calculated on a monthly basis, and
is based on accounts of the amount of dutiable goods that have left the enterprise during
the month[21].
The Customs and Excise Department collects the tax.
The tax refund is closely connected to the collection scheme, and it is
paid in relation to how much has been collected. The more batteries or accumulators that
have been collected, the larger the refund.
The tax authorities are obligated to control the registered enterprises
and to make sure that taxes paid, and refunds obtained, are in line with the factual flow
of batteries.
Table 5.16
Annual revenue from the tax on NiCd batteries, 1996-1998,1)
Year 1) |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
Total revenue, MDKK
Allocated refunds, MDKK |
41.2 (55)
6.3 (8.7) |
46.6
11.9 |
29.3
9.4 |
1) For 1996, the figure applies to the period of April 1 December
31. The figures in parenthesis provide a rough estimate for the whole year based on a
simple linear projection.
Source: Evaluering af Grønne Afgifter for Erhvervene and for 1998:
Statsregnskab for finansåret 1998.
Revenue from the tax enters the State Budget. The collection scheme is
financed through the budget of the Ministry of Environment and Energy.
The entitlement to a refund is conditioned on the provision of proof that
the batteries have been weighed on arrival to a recovery plant in either Sweden or France.
Use of NiCd batteries
The tax has contributed to reduce the use of NiCd batteries in Denmark.
Table 5.16 shows a marked decline from 1997 to 1998 in the revenue. It should be
further noted, that sales of NiCd batteries before the implementation of the tax,
increased by 20% each year. Consequently, the revenue figures indicate that the tax has
succeeded in reversing this trend.
The use of single NiCd batteries for ordinary use and sales of NiCd
batteries for use in less energy demanding applications such as telecommunications, have
dropped to virtually zero. By contrast, sales of NiCd batteries for more energy intensive
uses, such as hand tools, have increased. Thus today, NiCd batteries are mainly used in
wireless hand tools and for industrial purposes. Prior to the tax, the use of NiCd
batteries was almost equally distributed among households and industry. This trend, that
the use of NiCd batteries is becoming mainly concentrated to industry, further provides
the basis for a continued increase in the collection rate, as collection rates are
assessed to be higher for industry than for households. The fact that refunds have not
declined proportionally with the decline in revenue when comparing 1997 and 1998,
indicates that this is taking place already, i.e. that a larger proportion of the
batteries are collected.
Collection of used batteries
Under the previous scheme that was in force until April 1, 1996, 30-35
tons of NiCd batteries were collected annually. The previous scheme consisted of a
voluntary collection arrangement, combined with smaller charges on the batteries. Today,
almost 100 tons are collected.
Notes:
The imports from countries outside Europe are also imposed a
9 percent custom duty.
License plates 3% and vehicle fuels 28%
Grønne Afgifter og Erhvervene, 1994 p. 214
Estimates on number of vehicles are taken from UN-ECE
Task Force to Phase out Leaded Petrol in Europe Main report, MEE/DEPA,
1998.
Danmarks Statistik, 1996 (figure for Denmark from 1997)
The difference between the charges on leaded and unleaded
petrol can also be termed a Tax differentiation as well as a product tax
Lov om energiafgift ad mineralolieprodukter m.v., June 1999
Statsregnskab for finansåret 1998
Finanslov for finansåret 1998
Different statistical methods, delineations, and methods
for periodizing may imply:
1) that estimates on liable water amounts should be taken as indicative only; and
2) that the two rows of the table are not immediately comparable.
The extent to which this would be a factual and realised
benefit would depend on the current treatment capacities and structures. Consequently,
there may be cases where this would mainly be a long-termed advantage.
This section is based on the law on taxation of ozone
depleting substances and the corresponding explanatory notes, and on Economic
Instruments for Environmental Protection, Annex Report A, 1993, (Report prepared by
COWI for the Czech Ministry of the Environment and the Danish Environmental Protection
Agency).
These are: CFC-11; CFC-12; CFC-113; CFC-114; CFC-115;
Halon-1301; Halon-1211; and Halon-2402.
During the first year of the tax bill, a bias appeared in
the export refunding principle. Thus, if an importer could verify the CFC content of
imported products was lower than a given standard, the tax was paid according to this
content. When the same products were re-exported, the exporter was liable to a tax refund
based on the standard CFC content of the product, which was higher. Arbitrage trade was
therefore profitable. This bias was corrected by the December 1989 revision of the tax
bill.
Green Taxes and the Trades (in Danish: Grønne
afgifter og erhvervene), 1994, The Ministry of Finance.
Statsregnskab for finansåret 1998. In Finanslov for
finansåret 1999, the revenue is estimated at 3 MDKK.
The section draws on Status of the environmental
ministers action plan for reduction of the consumption of pesticides (in
Danish: Status for miljøministerens handlingsplan for nedsættelse af forbruget af
bekæmpelsesmidler), the Danish Environmental Protection Agency, 1997; News Letter from
the Department of Customs and Excise, October 1998, on the new tax on pesticides;
Danish Tax on Pesticides, The Danish Environmental Protection Agency, 1995;
and Note on the Tax on Pesticides (in Danish: Notat om pesticidafgiften),
1997, the Ministry of Taxation.
Statsregnskab for finasåret 1998
Finanslov for finansåret 1999
The section draws on press statements from the Ministry of
Food, Agriculture, and Fisheries, September 1998; press statement from
Landbrugsraadet, September 1998; Action Plan for Cessation of the Use of Antibiotic
Growth Promoter to Piglets (in Danish: Handlingsplan for ophør med brug af
antibiotiske vækstfremmere til smågrise), 1998, Landsudvalget for Svin; Note on
Antibiotic Growth Promoters (in Danish: Notat om antibiotiske vækstfremmere), 1998,
The Ministry of Food, Agriculture and Fisheries.
Some exceptions to this rules exist: 1) if the delivery is
to another registered enterprise, 2) if the goods are delivered for export, 3) if the
goods are delivered to planes or ships of more than 5 tons, 4) if goods are lost due to
theft or fire or, 5) if goods are returned to the enterprise and if the customers can
prove that the tax was paid in the first place.
The first two sections in this chapter provide descriptions of the CO2
tax and the SO2 tax respectively. Chapter 11 provides a thorough
and comprehensive description of the energy sector in Denmark, and of the use of economic
instruments in this sector.
One of the prominent objectives of the current Danish energy policy is to
reduce CO2-emissions. CO2
emissions/capita in Denmark are among the highest in the world. Among other things, this
is due to the relatively high use of coal in electricity production. The Danish CO2-policy
aims to reduce the emissions of CO2 by at least 20% before year
2005. This corresponds to an emission level of 48.9 million tons in 2005, compared with
the 1988 level of 61.1 million ton.
The CO2-tax is an increasingly important element
in the overall Danish CO2-policy. It first went into force in
1993, and it was further expanded in 1995. The expansion was effectuated as a part of a
comprehensive CO2-package of green taxes and
additional CO2 measures. The package included 11 laws (8 laws
prepared by the Ministry of Taxation, and 3 laws prepared by the Ministry of Environment
and Energy).
A new policy instrument was introduced as part of the CO2-package.
It is a subsidy scheme that is labelled the CO2
agreement. It implies that a specific enterprise can enter a voluntarily agreement
with the Energy Agency, in which it obliges itself to undertake a number of energy
conservation measures that are specified in the agreement. In return, the enterprise is
given a tax deduction, whereby the CO2 tax levels are lowered.
The CO2 package aims to reduce Danish CO2
emissions. The CO2 tax is one of the measures contained in the
package, hence, the tax aims to contribute in pursuing the overall reduction objective.
The package is expected to lead to a 4.6% reduction in CO2
emissions. The CO2 tax is expected to contribute a reduction in
the order of 1.6%, while the CO2 agreements are expected to
result in a reduction in the order of 1.8%.
The CO2 package has been designed to ensure that
the competitive power of Danish enterprises is not significantly weakened. Further, the
design of the package emphasises the provision of appropriate incentives for enterprises
to substitute towards less energy intensive production.
The CO2 taxation does not have a fiscal purpose
per se. In 1995, the tax mainly applied to households and to energy use in light
production processes (see Table 6.1). In 1995, the tax rates for the latter purpose were
increased, and other uses became subject to the tax as well. Since 1995 only cost-neutral
changes have been implemented, in the sense that all revenue in excess of the 1995, level
is recycled to trade and industry. The scheme for recycling is described in section 11.5.
It provides a mechanism for recycling that involves changes in the cost structure, so that
a further incentive is established for enterprises to undertake behavioural changes that
lead to reduced CO2 emission.
The tax base is the energy use. The current level of the tax has been set
at 100 DKK per ton of emitted CO2. The tax is differentiated to
ensure that all energy types become liable to a tax that corresponds to this level. The
differentiation is based on the carbon content of the different fuels.
Fuels for sea-borne carriage and air transport are exempted from the CO2-tax.
Fuels for production of electricity and gas are also not covered.
In the case of electricity, the CO2 tax is
imposed on the output measured in kWh. This is motivated mainly by concerns over
competitiveness. The fact that the tax is levied on the output provides for the use of a
scheme for export refunds. Otherwise, this would be difficult, because it is not possible
to trace the fuels that were applied to produce one specific kWh. The applied rate is
equivalent to electricity production based on the use of coal. It is then combined with a
refund scheme (described in the chapter on subsidies) which ensures that electricity
production based on natural gas and renewable energy sources is not overtaxed.
The CO2 tax scheme contains a further
differentiation that applies to industry and trade. For these sectors, the tax is
differentiated according to the specific use. The scheme differs between energy used for
space heating, for heavy processes, and for light processes.
Figure 6.1
Categories for differentiation of the CO2 tax
Space heating |
Heavy process |
Light process |
Energy used to heat the following types of
rooms: production, stock, sale, offices, hotel rooms, and refreshment rooms. |
Activities where the production is depended
on a high energy consumption. An appendix to the law on CO2
taxation specifies what kind of activities are considered to be heavy process (35
processes all in all). |
Energy consumption in all other processes,
i.e. office machines, machines in general, etc. |
The tax is implemented gradually, providing a certain adjustment time for
the enterprises. Table 6.1 shows an overview of the taxes and the scheme for their
phase-in.
Table 6.1
CO2 tax rates 1995-2000 for different categorises of energy use
(DKK per ton CO2)
Use category |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
1999 |
2000 |
Households |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
Space heating (industry)* |
0 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
Light process with agreement
without agreement |
50
50 |
50
50 |
50
60 |
50
70 |
58
80 |
68
90 |
Heavy process with agreement
without agreement |
>0
>0 |
3
5 |
3
10 |
3
15 |
3
20 |
3
25 |
The table demonstrates that:
| The tax rate for energy used for space heating in industry has been at the full
rate of DKK 100 per ton since the introduction in 1996. |
| The CO2 tax rates for light and heavy processes
increase during the whole period 1995-2000. However, the rate for heavy processes with
agreement remains stable on a lower level. |
The table also illustrates that the full tax rate of 100 DKK per ton of CO2
only applies in two cases: 1) to households; and 2) for energy used for space heating and
hot water in industry.
Enterprises are entitled to enter an agreement if they meet one of two
criteria:
- Process list enterprises. These enterprises undertake energy
intensive processes that are categorised in the appendix to the law as heavy processes.
Enterprises have the option of entering an agreement with the Energy Agency, which obliges
them to undertake certain behavioural and investment actions to reduce energy use. In
turn, they are given a tax reduction. By the year 2000, the reduction will be 22 DKK/tons
almost 90%, or
- Proms-enterprises. These enterprises fulfil the so-called
Proms-criterion. The criterion implies that the total financial strain of the
taxes must exceed 3% of the value added generated in the enterprise. If these enterprises
enter an agreement, they are given a reduction in their CO2 tax.
By the year 2000, the reduction will be 22 DKK/ton 32%.
The tax is levied on the fuels that are used in energy production. It is
collected through the same mechanisms as the traditional energy taxes. This mechanism is
described in section 5.1.
Two bodies are primarily involved in the implementation of the CO2-tax
(including also the refund mechanisms) and the corresponding system of agreements. The
bodies involved are the regional departments of Customs and Excise, and the Energy Agency.
The roles and responsibilities of these two authorities are illustrated in Table 6.2.
Table 6.2
The CO2 tax and associated agreement scheme. Roles and
responsibilities of the involved authorities.
The Department of Customs and Excise (and
regional offices) |
The Energy Agency (The Ministry of
Environment and Energy) |
| Collects the taxes from enterprises and administers the refund mechanism
|
|
| Assigns financial support to enterprises
|
|
| Monitoring and control
|
|
| Enters agreements with enterprises and monitors the fulfilment of action
plans
|
|
Tax collection
All enterprises must install measurement equipment to measure the energy
use within the three categories (space heating, heavy, and light process). They have a
good incentive to comply with this obligation, because all non-specified energy
consumption is considered as space heating. Hence, it is liable to the highest CO2
tax and energy tax.
The enterprises report on the consumption of energy to the Department of
Customs and Excise following their VAT payments, and in connection with their VAT
reporting. The accounts constitute the basis for calculating the amount of refund that the
enterprise is entitled to. If there are doubts about the accuracy of the accounts, the
department is entitled and obligated to investigate this further.
The tax authorities also control whether the enterprises have installed
the correct measurement equipment, and monitor that enterprises pay according to the
actual consumption of energy.
Figure 6.2
Use categories and tax rates by year 2000
(scan the print)
Enterprises that submit incorrect information, or suppress relevant
information can be fined. However, conflicts are first sought to be solved through
negotiations.
Contracting of agreements
The entry of an agreement entitles an enterprise for a tax reduction, and
obliges it to undertake certain energy saving actions. The agreements are entered between
the Energy Agency on one hand, and either the single enterprise or a branch organisation
on the other.
The specific contents of an agreement (i.e. the obligations of the
enterprise) are established through negotiations with the Energy Agency. Prior to these
negotiations, the enterprise must:
carry out an energy audit;
make a report on its energy management; and
- submit to the Agency a proposal for an action plan (where the above audit and report
constitute important inputs).
The above constitute inputs into the subsequent negotiations with the
Energy Agency. The negotiations will result in decisions on the specific actions that the
enterprise must carry out, in order to be entitled to the tax deduction. An action plan is
an important outcome of the negotiations.
The CO2 package will be fully implemented in
2000. By that time, it is estimated that the tax revenue from trade and industry will be
close to DKK 2.1 billion. From the 1995 tax, it is expected that the revenue will amount
to MDKK 800-1,000. The remaining MDKK 1,000 will be fully recycled to industry and trade,
with the exception of a small amount to be used to cover administrative costs.
Two mechanisms have been established to accomplish a recycling scheme that
supports the intentions of the CO2 package:
1. financial support to new investment in
enterprises; and
2. lowering of labour costs.
Table 6.3
The expected CO2-tax revenue for 1999 divided on main sources
(MDKK)
Households |
Oil used to land transportation |
Energy consumed
in industry |
Other |
2,500 |
400 |
1,700 |
25 |
Source: Finanslov for finansåret 1999
The CO2-tax is an example of a case where
conflicting concerns must be balanced to reach an acceptable outcome for the parties
involved, and which to a reasonable extent, targets the environmental objectives.
On one hand, substantial tax reductions are awarded to industry. This
significantly weakens the environmental accomplishments of the tax. On the other hand,
industrys competitiveness could be substantially hampered if the industry was
imposed with the full tax. The resulting design of the tax, together with the recycling
scheme, presents a compromise between these conflicting concerns.
The fact that electricity production is taxed at the output level does
not, per se, provide an incentive to reduce CO2 emissions,
because it does not provide an incentive to switch to fuels that contain less CO2.
However, the CO2 tax on electricity production should be seen in
conjunction with the subsidisation scheme that is described in chapter 11. This scheme
leads to tax neutrality for natural gas, and to a factual reduction in the case of
renewable energy sources.
Although the CO2 tax is 100 DKK/ton the
effective taxation of CO2 is much larger. This is, because the
effects from the energy taxes on price structures are quite similar with regard to CO2.
The linkage of the CO2 tax to the agreement
scheme supports its innovative effects.
Sulphur emissions result from the burning of fuels with a high content of
sulphur like oil and coal.
In accordance with international agreements, Denmark is obligated to
reduce its emission so that it by year 2000 correspond to no more than 80% of the 1980
level. Several measures are applied to achieve this reduction. These measures include,
among others: the use of emission quotas for power plants; mandatory desulphurisation
units in new power plants; and limit values for the sulphur content in fuels.
Emissions have declined significantly during the 1980s. However, it became
apparent in 1994 that additional measures were needed if the 80% reduction target was to
be met. This spurred interest in the potentials of economic instruments. Consequently, the
tax on SO2 (sulphur) went into force on January 1, 1996.
The purpose of the tax is to contribute to reducing Danish SO2
emissions, and thereby to contribute to achieving the 80% reduction target. The SO2
tax may be considered as a green tax in the sense that it has been developed solely to
achieve an environmental target. Specifically, the tax is expected to lead to an emissions
decline in the range of 25,000-30,000 tons of SO2. This will
result in an emission level by the year 2000 of about 73,500 tons, compared with the 1980
level of about 100,000 tons.
The following four mechanisms are expected to lead to this reduction. The
exact effects are, however, somewhat uncertain. More accurate estimates would require
in-depth studies on the cost structures and options inherent in each of the four
mechanisms:
- the tax will increase the cost of energy where the production is based on the use of
fuels that contain sulphur. Consequently, total energy consumption would decline;
- the tax will change the energy price structure, thereby providing an incentive to
substitute high sulphur content fuels (like coal and oil) with fuels with a lower sulphur
content (like gas and gas oils), as the latter become relatively cheaper;
- the tax will provide an economic incentive for the development of new low sulphur fuels
within each of the various fuels types; and
- the tax will promote improvements of the existing end-of-pipe cleaning equipment.
The tax may lead to reductions in the overall energy use. This effect is
further reinforced by the fact that there is a positive correlation between the sulphur
content and the CO2 content of fuels.
The tax is recycled to industry until the year 2000. During that period,
taxes are only imposed on sulphur contents above specific lower limit values. The limit
values are shown in Table 6.4[3].
For very energy intensive coal-based enterprises, there is a scheme for further deductions
in general terms. This implies that the enterprises are entitled to deductions for all
sulphur contents below 0.2 (the 1996 limit value). Hence, these enterprises are liable to
a tax which continues to apply for sulphur content above 0.2, whereas other enterprises
are liable to taxes that apply to steadily lower sulphur content (as shown in Table 6.4)
To be entitled to this further relief, which applies also after year 2000,
the enterprise must, however, comply with three conditions: 1) the fuel must be applied in
processes that are defined by law as heavy processes; 2) the enterprise must have entered
an agreement with the Energy Agency on energy efficiency issues; and 3) the enterprise
should have constructed or renovated its boiler or oven for an amount of at least 10 MDKK
during the last twenty years.
Table 6.4
Limit values for deductions in liable SO2 taxes
Year |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
1999 |
2000 |
Kg SO2/GJ |
0.20 |
0.15 |
0.10 |
0.05 |
0 |
The SO2 tax differs from other environmental
taxes in the sense that it contains an optional feature. Industry liable to the tax may
thus choose between two options for being levied by the tax. The provision of this option
is motivated by the fact that it is possible to clean flue gas, thereby, it is technically
possible to actually remove the sulphur. Industry is provided with a choice between:
- a product tax. This tax is levied on the sulphur content of the applied fuels; and
- an emission tax. This is a tax that is charged according to the actual emissions of
sulphur dioxide. The tax is not imposed on sulphur that is either cleaned, detained in the
ash, or detained in other products.
Moreover, the following features apply to the SO2
tax:
| The tax only applies to fuels with a sulphur content above 0.05% (in 1999). This applies
to both optional tax bases. Therefore, a tax of zero applies to petrol, kerosene, and
light diesel; |
| Oil energy products used for electricity production are not liable to the tax until
2000. The rationale for this lies in concerns over competitiveness vis-à-vis electricity
production in Germany, Norway, and Sweden. Instead, a specific electricity tax is
implemented, which will eventually take the same effect. From year 2000, however, use of
energy for electricity production will become liable to a tax based on realised emissions;
and |
| Sea-borne carriage and air transport are both exempted from the tax. |
The tax has been phased in gradually during the period of 1996-1999. Tax
levels increase gradually over this period, and the tax will take its full effect by the
year 2000.
Table 6.5
The two options for the SO2 tax
Features |
Tax on sulphur in fuels
a product tax |
Tax on SO2
an emission tax |
Tax base |
The amount of sulphur in the fossil fuels
(oil, coal, natural gas) and other fuels (wood, straw, waste)
The exact tax for each fuel is calculated on the basis of a conversion
table, which specifies the sulphur content in each fuel |
The actual emission of sulphur from the
enterprise as metered by the enterprises |
Tax level |
DKK 20 per kg sulphur |
DKK 10 per kg sulphur dioxide |
Specific requirements |
|
Enterprises need to have a permission to pay
the tax as a product tax. To obtain a permission the enterprises must e.g. have installed
appropriate metering equipment |
The tax is calculated and paid by the oil companies and the coal
importers, as well as other importers and producers. The number of entities liable to the
tax is quite small. The oil companies and the coal importers must register with the
Department of Customs and Excise. The obligation to register applies to both optional tax
bases.
In some cases, plants have their fuels delivered directly. In these cases,
the tax is not due until the actual use of the fuels has taken place. The plants must
specify the use of each fuel. The tax is calculated according to standard values for the
sulphur content in the different fuels.
The registered enterprises pay the tax to the Department of Customs and
Excise. The enterprises must keep track of the amount of dutiable products that has either
left the enterprises, or which they have consumed.
The taxation authorities may ultimately withdraw the registration of an
enterprise in the case of delayed, omitted, or wrong tax payments. Other possible
sanctions include the imposition of rent payments and fines.
The national taxation authorities are entitled to perform unannounced
inspections of the enterprises to check, for example, the relevant accounts and the
measurement systems applied.
The revenue from the SO2 tax is fairly small,
but continues, however, to increase during the phase-in period. The tax is expected to
generate revenues in the order of MDKK 575 in 1999[4],
whereas it was MDKK 375 in 1998[5].
In the first year of operation (1996), the tax generated revenues of MDKK 296.5.
The SO2 tax applies similarly to households and
industry with a uniform rate of DKK 20 per kilo of SO2. However,
industry is awarded some reductions as described above.
The optional approach where plants may choose to be levied an emission
tax, rather than a product tax, represents a move towards a stronger relation between the
tax and the environmental issue to be tackled. In principle, the emissions tax would allow
more flexibility to the individual plant. This follows from the fact that the emissions
tax allows the plant in question to apply the most efficient combination of fuel switches,
use of fuels with lower sulphur content, and end-of-pipe solutions. By contrast, the
product tax does not provide an incentive to also consider the last option.
Administratively, the tax is closely linked to existing systems and
procedures, therefore, limiting the administrative costs. However, the emissions tax is a
fairly new type of tax. Its performance will, therefore be monitored in order to identify
possible needs for changes in its design.
All in all, experience indicates that emissions have declined while the
tax has been in effect.
The tax on waste and raw materials has been in force since January 1,
1990. Since then, revisions have been undertaken and the rates applied have increased.
Originally, the tax replaced an administrative charge that entered into force in 1987. The
tax was last revised in 1997.
The tax applies to the extraction and import of raw materials, and to
waste. This is, because of the need to define in a common law, the distinction between
recovered waste and raw materials.
The purpose of the tax is to reduce resource use and to support the Danish
waste hierarchy. The Danish waste hierarchy is in line with the EU priorities. It
emphasises first, and foremost, recovery and recycling. Further, incineration with heat
recovery and a minimum of 10% electricity production is preferred over other
incineration which is again preferred over depositing. The Danish waste hierarchy also
emphasises the need to reduce resource use. Danish priorities are:
1. prevention;
2. recovery and recycling;
3. incineration with CHP production;
4. other incineration; and
5. final disposal.
Waste management is the responsibility of the municipalities. The
municipalities are obligated to establish and operate municipal waste companies, and to
take care of the collection of municipal waste. To fulfil this obligation, waste companies
are established. In some cases the waste companies are inter-municipal where one or more
neighbouring municipalities join together to solve this task.
The waste tax provides these companies with an incentive to recover as
much waste as possible (recovered waste is liable to a tax rate of 0). The tax further
favours incineration to disposal. Consequently, there is incentive to establish
incineration (with heat recovery and preferably also with power production) facilities.
The tax is fully recovered at the end user level. This means that
ultimately industry and households come to pay the tax. As opposed to many other economic
instruments in environmental protection in Denmark, the waste tax thus applies 100% to
industry. Consequently, industry has an incentive to minimise its waste production, and to
sort the waste according to the categories for tax differentiation. Households on the
other hand do not, in most cases, pay in full accordance with the specific amounts of
waste they produce.
The tax applies to raw materials and waste delivered to a waste plant.
Hazardous waste destined for incineration is exempted from the tax. Enterprises that
extract and/or import raw materials are liable to the raw materials tax.
Table 6.6
Waste taxes (excluding sludge). 1996-1998. DKK/kg
Waste type |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
Waste for landfills |
195 |
335 |
375 |
Incineration with complete or minimum (in the
case of CHP plants) 10% power production |
160 |
210 |
280 |
Other incineration |
160 |
260 |
330 |
Recovered waste |
0 |
0 |
0 |
Raw materials that are used in production are taxed with a rate of 5 DKK/m3.
In the case of imported semi-final or final products that contain the raw materials, a
comparable tax is calculated and levied. The raw materials tax does not apply to materials
that are used for beach nourishment or the beneficial use of dredged material.
If, for a specific enterprise, the amount of extracted or imported raw
materials is less than 200 m3/year, its liability to the tax is
cancelled.
Sludge is liable to the tax structure described in Table 6.6. Legislation
stipulates a specific method for converting the amounts into applicable quantities. The
inclusion of sludge, provides an incentive to use as much sludge as possible for
productive purposes. This could, for example, be as fertiliser.
Facilities that deposit waste products from the combined production of
heat and power (CHP) are exempted from the tax. The recent revision also excluded
deposited waste from heat and power production based on biomass. The waste tax has thus
been revised to contribute to fulfil the CO2 emissions
reductions target, because the revision has removed the previous preferential position of
the coal-based CHPs.
Producers or importers of raw materials must register with the Department
of Customs and Excise. Further, all waste plants must register. The obligation to register
also applies to plants that incinerate sludge solely (sewage treatment plants), importers
of waste, and enterprises that dispose of, or incinerate waste by themselves.
Enterprises that sell raw materials, either unprocessed, or simply
processed (in terms of, for example, crushing) must keep accounts of their sales.
The tax is collected on a quarterly basis where registered enterprises
calculate the chargeable amounts. The Department of Customs and Excise is in charge of
control. Possible sanctions include fines and the ultimate withdrawal of registration.
All waste is weighed upon delivery to a waste treatment plant. The
registered weight of the waste constitutes the basis for the calculation of the tax. The
tax is paid to the waste treatment plant in question upon the delivery of the waste.
The applied tax rate and the total tax that have been paid, should be
clearly identifiable on the weight sheets.
Initially, the waste tax was only 40 DKK/ton. Over time it has been
substantially increased. The present levels range between 210 and 335 DKK/ton; an increase
of between 400% and 700%. Furthermore, tax differentiation has been added to the scheme.
The latest revision included a new differentiation between incineration plants that
produce power and heat, and plants that only recover heat. As a result of the steady
increases in the tax rates, revenues from the tax have increased substantially over the
years.
Table 6.6
Revenue from the waste tax and from the tax on raw materials. MDKK. 1996-1998
Year/tax type |
Waste tax |
Raw materials tax |
1996 |
601 |
135 |
1997 |
867 |
145 |
1998 |
889 |
157 |
1999 |
1,150 |
160 |
Source: Finanslov for finansåret 1999 and Statsregnskab for finansåret
1998
Developments since 1993 indicate that that waste volumes have remained
stable, or have even increased slightly. By contrast, waste volumes declined during the
late 1980s and the early 1990s. Positive economic developments in Denmark during the last
five years, presumably explain the fact that waste volumes have not declined during this
time. Evidence from many countries suggests a strong positive correlation between waste
production and economic developments.
From 1987 to 1996, there was a 26% reduction in the amounts of waste
delivered to municipal waste treatment plants. Deliveries to smaller landfills and private
waste sites declined by 39 % from 1990 to 1996. The main reason for the latter is mainly,
that increasing amounts of waste are delivered to the municipal plants at the expense of
the smaller sites and the private ones. Waste recovery plants outside the municipal ones
have also received increasing amounts of waste.
The current structure of the waste tax strongly encourages recycling and
reuse, and provides a fairly strong incentive to minimise waste production. Furthermore,
the structure is in accordance with the priorities of Danish waste management:
| prevention; |
| recovery and recycling; |
| incineration with CHP production; |
| other incineration; and |
| final disposal. |
It should be noted that almost all incineration in Denmark is combined
with heat recovery. The main motivation being that heat recovery is a precondition for the
economy of the incineration plant.
The relatively high tax rates and the tax structure thus support the
Danish waste priorities. The incentive to minimise waste production and to recover and
recycle as much as possible, is further reinforced by other environmental taxes, such as
the tax on certain retail containers, and the tax on disposable tableware. The priority of
incineration of waste is in accordance with EU priorities and the tax system supports this
hierarchy.
While providing a fairly strong economic incentive to act according to the
above priorities, the high tax rates also provide an incentive for evasion. Consequently,
a key parameter in the efficiency of the tax is the extent to which evasion can be
avoided. In this regard, the Danish waste management system has become fairly efficient.
The efficiency of the system is further supported by a rather high degree of
self-discipline, supported by public opinion. Companies that seek to avoid the tax by
means of illegal disposal of waste, will, if discovered, experience strong negative public
attention with a consequent loss of goodwill and sales.
The exception of hazardous waste (destined for incineration) from the tax,
serves to ensure that all hazardous waste is incinerated properly.
The waste tax and the tax on raw materials, to some extent, affect the
competitiveness of Danish industry.
The new tax rates of 1997 were envisaged to lead to an increase in the
total revenue in the order of 210 MDKK if the waste amounts would remain unchanged. About
130 MDKK would come from households, and the remaining 80 MDKK from businesses (industry,
construction, and other businesses).
The tax is not earmarked. The revenue thus enters the general budget.
However, there are subsidy schemes to support initiatives that aim to increase waste
recovery and recycling, and to reduce waste production.
Table 6.7
Revenue changes caused by 1997 tax increases. The waste tax.
Tax category |
Amount of waste
1000 tons |
Total tax revenue
MDKK |
Change
1996-1997
% |
Sludge for incineration |
150 |
35 |
- |
Incinerated waste with CHP production |
1,600 |
335 |
80 |
Other incinerated waste |
350 |
90 |
15 |
Waste in landfills |
1,600 |
536 |
80 |
Total |
|
|
210 |
Most sewage is cleaned at common (typically public) sewage treatment
plants before it is discharged into watercourses, seas, and lakes. Further, smaller
amounts are discharged from: industrial enterprises that have their own discharge system
(with a discharge permit); sparsely built-up areas with no sewerage systems; and fish
farms.
Sewage discharge and treatment are fully financed by the dischargers
(users of the system), and has been so since 1989. Prior to entry into force of the tax,
there was no payment associated with the environmental pressure which discharged treated
sewage imposed on fresh and marine waters.
The tax is a result of the 1994 tax reform. It has been in effect since
1997. The tax is designed to take account of the quantities of polluting substances in the
discharged sewage:
| nitrogen; |
| phosphorus; and |
| organic substances. |
The purpose of the tax is to reduce the amount of polluting substances in
the discharged treated sewage. Reductions may be achieved inter alia through:
| reduced discharges of sewage from households and industries; |
| reduced leakage from drain pipes and sewers; |
| optimisation of treatment processes; and |
| connection to sewer systems for sparsely built-up areas that were not previously
connected. |
The tax aims to provide an incentive to undertake the above actions when
the associated costs do not exceed the tax.
The tax further aims to contribute to the lowering of income taxes by
means of taxing environmental goods and the use of natural resources.
The tax is highly complex in its design. Therefore, the below description
does not aim to be fully exhaustive, but rather it aims to identify and describe the main
features of the tax base.
Liable entities
Liable to the tax are:
sewage treatment plants;
industrial dischargers; and
- units located in sparsely built-up areas, which are not connected to a sewer system.
There are, however, a number of exceptions and modifications to this. They
are primarily motivated in concerns over competitiveness and sectoral distributional
effects. Consequently, the tax has been designed so that certain particularly affected
industries are either excluded from, or in most cases, subject to reduced payments.
Table 6.8
Sewage tax levels. 1997 and 1998. DKK/kg
Substance |
1997 |
1998 |
Nitrogen (tot-n) |
10 |
20 |
Phosphorus (tot-p) |
55 |
110 |
Organic substances (BI5) |
5,5 |
11 |
Tax base
The basis for calculating the tax, is the multiple of the amount of
discharged treated sewage and the measured concentrations (content) of the above
substances in the discharged treated sewage.
The amounts of discharged treated sewage may be calculated directly
through the use of meters. The use of meters is mandatory for; 1) units where the
discharge permit includes an obligation to measure the discharged amounts of water; and 2)
individual discharges where the annual discharge exceeds 50,000 m3.
In other cases, the discharged amounts may be assessed based on the water
consumption of the connected properties. This can be based on either metered consumption,
or estimated consumption following the rules for estimation that apply to user fees (also
in the cases where user fee schemes do not apply).
For the calculation of the concentrations, the system distinguishes
between the following treatment plants:
| treatment plants where 15% or more of the sewage to be treated comes from households;
and |
| treatment plants where less than 15% of the sewage to be treated comes from households. |
In the former case, there are two alternatives. The concentrations may
either be measured, or the tax can be calculated using certain standard rates. In the
latter case, the standard rates vary according to the treatment technology and processes
applied. The rates vary between DKK 0.50/m3 and DKK 1.90 DKK/m3
for various specified treatment facilities and methods. In other cases, the standard rate
is 3.80 DKK/m3.
When more than 85% of the sewage comes from industry, the calculation of
the tax is based on actual measurements. There is one exception to this. Plants that
discharge less than 50,000 m3 of treated sewage per year have
the option of applying the standard rate of 3.80 DKK/m3.
Exceptions
Among the most important exemptions from and modifications to the tax are:
- Complete exemption. Sea water, fresh water and salt water fish farming are fully
excluded from the tax, although these activities do give rise to an environmental pressure
on the aquatic environment;
- 97% refund. VAT registered enterprises where at least 80% of the liable tax can
be attributed to: fish processing; cellulose production; and the production of cane and
beet sugar. These enterprises are entitled to a 97% refund of the share of their liable
tax that exceeds DKK 20,000; and
- 70% refund. VAT registered enterprises where at least 80% of the tax can be
attributed to the production of: organic pigments and related preparations; pectin
substances and other equal substances extracted from certain vegetable substances; and
vitamins. These enterprises are entitled to a 70% refund of the share of their liable tax
that exceeds DKK 20,000.
The tax is collected from the liable entities (sewage treatment plants;
industrial dischargers with their own discharge permit; and units located in sparsely
built-up areas which are not connected to sewer systems).
Liable entities must register with the national Customs and Tax
authorities, and they obtain a certificate in proof of the registration. There are a few
exceptions from this rule, and in these cases, the tax is paid to the municipal
authorities who will then settle with the Customs and Tax authorities.
The tax is calculated and collected on a quarterly basis from all the
registered dischargers. They are obligated to keep records in proof of both the
measurements of concentrations and the basis for the estimated amounts of discharged
water.
In the case of exemptions and modifications, such as those listed in
section , the registered dischargers shall not pay the tax for which the enterprise in
question is entitled to a refund. This means that part of the tax is settled directly by
the enterprise in question and the Customs and Tax authorities.
The total revenue from the tax was MDKK 273 in 1998[6],
and it is expected to be MDKK 275 in 1999[7].
Table 6.9 compares the expected and the realised revenue from the tax in
1997 and 1998. It should be noted that the tax entered into force on January 1, 1997. The
rates that were applied in 1997 were half of those applied in 1998.
The table mentions the Action Plan for the Aquatic Environment. This is a
comprehensive plan to improve the aquatic environment. The plan is briefly described in
chapter 2. The plan, among other things, imposes environmental requirements onto sewage
treatment plants, and it specifically emphasises the need to reduce emissions of nitrogen,
phosphorus, and BI5.
The table illustrates that the realised revenue falls short of the
expected revenue. This may indicate that quantities are less than expected or that the
quality of the discharged water may be better than anticipated.
Table 6.9
Comparison of expected and realised revenue from the waste water tax
Expected revenue at
implementation based
on 1994 discharges |
Expected revenue at implementation assuming
achievement of the objectives of action plan for the aquatic environment |
Actual
revenue |
225-300 |
185-245 |
140 |
525-600 |
425-490 |
273 |
Source: Lovforslaget
The exceptions and rules for tax reductions for specifically affected
industries are motivated in concerns over competitiveness and difficulties in measurements
(in the case of fish farming). The latter sector is, however, subject to numerous other
regulations that seek to control its environmental pressure.
The tax is an effluent tax, and as such, it is more difficult to
administer and control than most product taxes. It is not possible to measure exactly how
many polluting substances are discharged into the environment. The tax authorities need to
exercise control of tax payments by making samples. Apart from the samples, the control is
based on the treatment plants self-reporting of the amount of polluting substances
to the tax authorities.
Notes:
The section draws on different newsletters from the
Department of Customs and Excise and interviews with representatives of the
Environmental Protection Agency, the Energy Agency, and representatives for the regional
Customs and Excise offices.
This section builds heavily on Chapter 12 of this report.
AKF Rapport, October 1997
Finanslov for finansåret 1999
Statsregnskab for finansåret 1998
Statsregnskab for finansåret 1998
Finanslov for finansåret 1999
This chapter describes the user fees that are in effect in Denmark and
that relate to the provision of environmental services. In addition to the municipal user
fees, the chapter also describes the road toll.
Municipalities bear most of the direct environmental expenditures in
Denmark, paying around 65% of the direct environmental expenditures. The major part of
these expenditures is, however, recovered through municipal user fees. This chapter
describes the municipal user fees that apply to tap water, sewage, and waste.
The municipal user fees are motivated in legal acts. The acts stipulate
the overall principles that should govern the setting and collection of user fees.
Furthermore, the act states the obligations of the municipalities, including the
obligation to draw up local regulations.
Economic neutrality is a common principle governing all municipal user
fees. This principle obliges municipalities to balance income and expenditures, and
consequently, to aim at a 100% cost recovery when setting the fees. The principle,
however, allows municipalities to consolidate the municipal service in question by means
of building up sufficient equity to cover future investments. Further, the principle of
economic neutrality also implies that user fees must not be used for economic
redistribution among different user groups.
Water supply
The Water Supply Act of 1978 governs the relation between waterworks and
their clients (users). The Act thus provides the overall principles that should be applied
when drawing up the specific local regulation. The waterworks draw up the local order. For
municipal water works, the Danish Environmental Protection Agency must approve the order.
For private waterworks, the orders are approved by the relevant municipal authority.
Sewage
Stipulations governing the sewage user fee are contained in a Statuary
Order from 1993 and in the Consolidate Act from December 1997. The regulations build on
similar overall principles as those governing other user fees. The order obliges all
municipalities to have a payment bylaw to stipulate, in detail, the scheme and setting of
the user fees.
The user fees aim to ensure that the costs of water supply and sewage
treatment are fully and directly covered by the users. There is thus to be full
correspondence between the price to be paid (the user fee) and the service provided. The
latter includes the provision of tap water and the treatment of sewage, as well as the
connection to, and use of the distribution system.
Water
Water user fees are paid by the ultimate users to the public and private
waterworks that supply the water. As a general rule, the fees must be the same for all
user groups connected to the same water supply or sewerage system. The water user fee
consists of two items:
- Water connection fee. A once-and-for-all payment that covers the costs of being
physically connected to a waterworks. The fee varies from one waterworks to the other.
- Tap water fee. A fee that is based on the actual use of water (measured in m3).
The fee varies from one waterworks to the other. For households with no meters, the fee is
based on an assumed water consumption of 170 m3.
Sewage
The sewage fee is collected by the municipal sewage plant. This system
also includes a one-time connection fee and an annual fee:
- Sewage connection fee. In the case of houses, the fee covers the connection to a
double sewerage system that consists of two separate systems: one for sewage; and one for
gutter and runoff. There are cases, for example, some summer cottages, where the house is
only connected to one sewage system. In that case, the fee is lower. For enterprises, the
fee is calculated based on the area of the premises.
- Annual sewage fee. The annual sewage fee is based on water uses rather than
actual amounts of sewage. The motivation being that measurement and control is much
easier. The fee should be the same for all user groups connected to the same system. The
system, however, allows for a specific surcharge to be imposed on enterprises. The
surcharge should be based on a pre-defined formula, which could take into account, for
example, the content of phosphorus or lead in the sewage. The sewage fee to be collected
from enterprises is the net of the water that enters the products produced (for example in
the production of beverages). In this case, separate meters are required. For households
without meters, the fee is based on an estimated water use of 170 m3.
However, since January 1, 1999, all households have been obligated to install meters with
certain minor exceptions.
Table 7.1 provides an illustrative example of average levels of user fees
in 1997. The exact level and composition of the combined water and sewage price in Denmark
varies from municipality to municipality.
It should be noted that standards are established for the connection fee.
If a house is connected to a sewage system only, the connection fee to be imposed is DKK
18,000. Otherwise, it is DKK 30,000.
Table 7.1
Illustrative example of fee levels and composition of water price in
Denmark. 1997
Type of fee and tax |
Water |
Sewage |
Total |
Connection fee, DKK |
50,000 |
18,000 or 30,000 |
- |
Annual fee including VAT, DKK/m3 |
3,50 |
11,5 |
15 |
Tax, DKK/m3 |
4 |
included in fee |
4 |
VAT, DKK/m3. 25% of
the tax |
1 |
|
1 |
Total annual fee, DKK/m3 |
8,50 |
11,50 |
20 |
Source: Interview with Statistics Denmark and the National Association of
Local Authorities in Denmark
The water connection fee is collected when a property is connected to a
water supply system. Connection fees vary across the country. Typically, the fee would
amount to about 50,000 DKK.
There is also an annual water service fee. This fee is an administrative
fee, and it does not apply in all municipalities. Currently it is DKK 288.
The annual water fee exhibits substantial variations. In 1997, the size of
the fee varied between 0.50 and 10.34 DKK/m3. The average level
lies around 4 DKK/m3. The average sewage fees are in the order
of 11,50 DKK/m3, and also exhibit substantial variations[1].
Table 7.2 shows the development in the average user fees in the period of
1995-1997. Developments prior to 1995 showed significant increases in the sewage fees,
attributable mainly to the implementation of the Action Plan for the Aquatic Environment.
Compliance with the Plan necessitated a number of sewage treatment plants to undertake
major investments, the costs of which were recovered through user fees.
Table 7.2
Average user fees for water and sewage. 1995-1997. DKK/m3
Type of annual fee |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
Water supply fee |
3,27 |
3,53 |
3,50 |
Sewage fee |
10,29 |
10,60 |
11,69 |
Source: Interview with the National Association of Local Authorities in
Denmark
In most cases, the water fee and the sewage fee is collected
simultaneously on an annual basis. Fee levels and the total amounts are explicitly stated
on the bill.
Total revenues from the water fee amounts to about 2 billion DKK annually.
Total revenue from the sewage fee amount to 4.4 billion DKK.
Comparing 1986 to 1996, the use of water has actually declined by more
than 20%.
The user fee system serves its basic purpose, namely to ensure that the
costs of tap water supply and sewage services are covered by the users of the service.
Furthermore, the rapid increases in total water prices (covering water and sewage) which
have occurred during the 1990s, can be an important explanation for the decline in water
consumption that can be observed in the same period (described in chapter 5.4). There are
two main reasons for the rapid significant price increases:
| the fact that the Action Plan for the Aquatic Environment imposed significant investment
requirements onto the sewage plants; and |
| the introduction of a tap water tax and a sewage tax as a part of the 1994 tax reform. |
The taxes are described in sections 5.4 and 6.5. The Action Plan had a
purely environmental purpose. As a consequence of the principle of full cost recovery, the
accomplishment of this purpose (as far as sewage treatment is concerned) can be said to
have been user financed.
Further, the mere size of the total water (water and sewage) price is
fairly large. Consequently, it provides a significant incentive to avoid unnecessary water
use and to install water meters. Finally, information campaigns further support the trend
of reduced water consumption.
The legislation governing the user fees is very specific on the principles
to be applied. The mandatory use of similar rates for all user groups is explicitly stated
in the legislation. It serves to ensure that cross-subsidisation from one group to the
other is avoided. Further, the setting of maximum limits for connection fees to sewerage
systems serves to ensure that new users will not come to bear too high a share of the
costs. Prior to the introduction of these limits, connection fees could be as high as DKK
65,000.
Waste management is the responsibility of the municipalities. This
obligation is stipulated in the Environmental Protection Act. The obligation, among other
things, includes the obligation to organise the collection and treatment of waste. Each
municipality must work within the framework legislation on waste. Some of the obligations
of the municipalities include:
| the preparation of short term (4 years) and a long term (12 years) waste plans for the
municipality. The plans must be made every four years; |
| the preparation of waste regulations which describe in detail the arrangements made in
each municipality; |
| the observation of the waste hierarchy. This includes the obligation to ensure that
certain types of waste are recycled in accordance with specific requirements stipulated in
the government order on waste handling and other relevant government circulars; and |
| The establishment of arrangements, to ensure that waste that is generated in the
municipality is handled in an environmentally sound and safe manner. |
To comply with the above, most municipalities form municipal waste
companies. In most cases, these companies are inter-municipal. The municipal waste
companies constitute the organisational framework for the provision of the necessary waste
plants (i.e. plants that receive and treat the waste) and collection arrangements for
municipal waste.
The user fee scheme aims to ensure that the costs of the collection of
municipal waste and the costs of waste treatment are fully recovered from the users.
The waste user fee basically serves to ensure that the costs of municipal
waste collection and treatment are borne by the users of the system.
Municipal waste collection is the responsibility of the municipalities.
They are thus obligated to ensure that municipal waste is collected in an environmentally
sound manner, and that it is delivered to a registered waste company that handles the
waste. The costs of providing this service are to be fully recovered from the users. All
households must be connected to the system.
Industry is responsible for its own delivery of waste to a registered
waste company. The municipality is, however, obligated to assign to any waste producer
that is located in the municipality, a location where it can hand in its waste.
In the case of hazardous waste, collection schemes must, however, be
established.
The user fees are imposed on and collected from all users. For households,
the fee levels are typically independent of the quantities produced[2].
Fees may vary from one municipality to the other. The fees are based on the principle of
full cost recovery. The costs covered by the system are those that relate to the
collection and delivery of the waste to a registered waste plant, together with the costs
of administration, planning, and control. Further, the fees should also cover the costs of
providing any additional collection schemes. For example, it is mandatory for
municipalities in Denmark to establish separate collection schemes for paper and glassware
waste, and for households hazardous waste. Further, the municipalities are also
obligated to arrange for the collection of construction waste.
Municipal waste is delivered to a waste plant. The waste plants are
typically owned and operated by the municipalities. They receive and handle other types of
waste. The waste plants establish the user fees based on the principle of full cost
recovery. All waste delivered, is weighed and categorised. Based thereupon, and upon the
fees that the plant has established, the fees are collected from the deliverer of the
waste.
Waste plants must comply with the principle of full cost recovery, but
they are free to establish their own fee structure. Typically, they would apply a higher
fee for unsorted waste than for sorted waste. Many plants also apply different levels for
different types of waste. The fee structure applied, may reflect the capacity and options
for waste treatment available at the specific plant. Further, the fee structure may have
been set up to support the objectives and priorities of the specific municipal waste
plans. All fees are calculated in terms of DKK/ton of waste.
Hazardous waste is handled at the inter-municipal hazardous waste
treatment plant Kommunekemi. The treatment of hazardous waste is also subject
to full cost recovery. On average, the fee amounts to some 2,500 DKK/ton, however, there
are large variations depending on the type of hazardous waste.
The municipalities are entitled to establish their own schemes for the
collection of fees, including the frequency of payments. Delayed payments result in a
special charge. The waste plants typically collect the payment (the user fee) when the
waste is delivered to them.
The municipal user fees are collected from all households and others that
are connected to the municipal collection scheme. The fees cover the collection of
municipal waste and other mandatory or compulsory collection schemes (which can therefore
be used without any further specific payments). In regard to the latter, the municipality
may also choose to establish specific additional fees for the use of some of the
additional collection services. This option may be used, for example, in the case of the
collection of garden refuse and of construction waste.
Among other things, the user fees are to cover the costs of delivering the
waste to a waste plant. All waste plants must be registered in order to be allowed to
receive waste. As general rule, the municipalities collect the fees from households, and
compensate for the waste plants their expenses.
Table 7.3
Revenue from the collection of waste fees. Billion DKK
Year |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
Revenue |
5,9 |
6,3 |
6,2 |
Source: Statistisk tiårsoversigt 1997. Tema om miljø. Danmarks
Statistik, 1997.
The user fees for waste have been in force for several years. It is,
however, difficult, if not impossible, to assess the specific environmental effects from
the scheme, as it must be seen in conjunction with the waste tax described in section 6.4.
In principle, evasion would constitute a prime area of concern in regard
to waste user fees. The problem is, however, estimated to have been significantly reduced,
if not completely eliminated. There are three major reasons for this:
| Public attitudes and behaviours. Information campaigns and a general increase in
the environmental awareness of the public have contributed to establish a common public
understanding of the benefits to be achieved from the utilisation of the various
collection schemes. Furthermore, the infrastructure is designed to ensure that the use of
the various collection schemes does not involve too much inconvenience; |
| The organisation of the waste management systems. The responsibilities and tasks
put on the municipalities during the 1990s have strongly encouraged them to establish very
effective organisations to deal with waste managements including enforcement and control.
One of the consequences is that the number of waste plants has been significantly reduced
since the late 1980s; and |
| The incentive structure of the waste plants. Efficiency concerns and financial
concerns have provided the waste plants with a strong incentive to weigh and control the
loads of waste delivered to the plant. |
A road toll has been in force in Denmark since 1994. In October 1993, the
EU adopted a Directive that obliges the member states to levy a tax on heavy trucks. The
Directive has been implemented differently in the EU-member states. The greatest
difference is between member states that have toll roads (especially Southern Europe) and
member states that have not. The latter group includes the Northern European member
states: Denmark, Sweden, Germany, Holland, Belgium, and Luxembourg. These 6 countries have
negotiated an agreement (of 9. February 1994) to implement the stipulations of the
Directive. In Denmark, the legislation that implements the agreement entered into force on
December 1, 1994.
The tax aims to make the users pay for the use of the road infrastructure
within the EU. The Directive originates from the implementation of the Single European
Market, which was expected to lead to an increase in transit-transportation.
The purpose is not explicitly environmental, but rather to introduce a
principle of user payment for the wear and tear on the roads.
The road toll applies to all trucks (heavy vehicles) above 12 tons that
use the roads. It is the same in all EU-member-states. The toll is paid annually to the
state in which the truck is registered. In Denmark, the toll is DKK 5,523 for trucks with
a maximum of 3 axles, and DKK 9,205 for trucks with 4 or more axles. The toll applies to
the use of all roads in Denmark. In some other EU member states, the toll only applies to
the use of highways.
Collection schemes vary depending on whether the truck in question is
registered in one of the six countries that have negotiated an agreement of the
implementation of the Directive, or not.
In the former case, the toll is paid once a year by the owner of the truck
or the truck fleet in question. The Department of Central Registration of Motor Vehicles
collects the toll. It is collected together with the annual weight-based vehicle tax (see
chapter 5.2). A certificate is issued in proof of the payment, and allows the truck to
drive in all of the 6 countries that are partners in the agreement. The countries have
established a method to bilaterally counter-balance payments between them, implying that
each country keeps track of the extent to which trucks from all the six countries have
used their road infrastructure. This is done on the basis of statistics. Countries may
bilaterally agree to abstain from counter-balancing.
In the case of vehicles, the basis for the calculation of the tax
that originate from other countries than the six that have entered a common agreement
is the time the truck spends in Denmark. There are certain pre-fixed periods and
the tax rate varies for each period. The period may vary from 24 hours up to 1 year. There
is a discount for longer periods of time. These trucks also receive a certificate in proof
of their payment, which may be obtained at the border of any of the 6 countries. In
Denmark, the distributors of the certificate have obtained the right to distribute it from
the Ministry of Taxation. The certificate may be obtained at the borders, but also at gas
stations, transport companies, or ferries. The distributors may only charge a price that
corresponds to the agreed size of the toll. Control is effectuated as part of the general
traffic control. Consequently, it is the responsibility of the police. Non-payments are
sanctioned with fines.
Revenue of tax collected in 1998:
| Revenue collected in Denmark: MDKK 281.6 |
| Revenue from other EU-member states collected in Denmark: MDKK 6.3 |
The road toll is a fixed amount per day for each vehicle. The road toll is
not determined by the level of actual transport activities. This feature substantially
weakens the performance of the toll as a user fee. On the other hand, in the absence of
toll roads, it does contribute to generate a user-based revenue for road maintenance.
Environmental effects occur as a result of actual transport, rather than
as a result of possessing a truck. In this sense, the tax is not fully effective in
environmental terms. Furthermore, the toll rate is set only with a view to the weight and
the size of the truck. While this makes sense in regard to road maintenance issues, it is
a less optimal criterion in an environmental context. If the toll was to be more
environmental-friendly designed, it would have to be based on a more appropriate indicator
of the environmental pressure. This could include a differentiation between combustion
techniques and cleaning installations. Still, it should be noted that the toll was not
designed to pursue an environmental objective.
Notes:
Interview
with the National Association of Local Authorities in Denmark.
However, if the weekly quantities of waste exceed this
level, an additional, but still fixed, fee must be paid.
Sales of beers and carbonated soft drinks are only allowed in Denmark,
provided that it is in reusable containers that can be either refilled or recovered. For
domestically produced items, the containers must be refillable, and the container needs to
be approved by the Environmental Protection Agency. Further, all imported containers must
be covered by a deposit-refund system, while all domestically produced items must be
covered by a return system. The sale of beer and carbonated soft drinks in metal
containers is not allowed.
The European Commission argues that the above requirements conflict with
the stipulations of the European Packaging Directive. The Commission argues that metal
containers, glass containers, and plastic containers, all comply with the Packaging
Directive. It is the position of the Danish government that the Directive does not, until
now, contain sufficient, comprehensive harmonisation in the area concerned. On the
contrary, it is argued that the Danish rules can be seen as a natural extension of the
environmental intentions of the Directive. If a solution is not found, the European
Commission can bring the case to the European Court of Justice.
The system has been in effect since 1981. One of its core components is
the deposit-refund system. The system implies that a deposit is paid upon purchase of beer
and carbonated soft drinks. The deposit is repaid upon return of the container in
question. In addition to beer and carbonated soft drinks, other beverages in refillable
containers are also, in some cases, covered by a deposit-refund system.
The containers that are covered by a deposit refund system are typically
collected by the retail outlets. Other containers are mainly collected through special
municipal collection schemes. In towns with more than 2,000 inhabitants, the
municipalities must provide a collection scheme to collect all glassware waste, including
glass containers (see chapter ).
The purpose of the system is to maximise the reuse of beverage containers.
On average, a glass bottle may be re-used 35-40 times.
There is a deposit on each individual container, and it applies to glass
containers and PET-containers (plastic containers made of polyethylene terephalat). The
current deposit for small containers ( < 50 CL) is DKK 1.25/container and for
large containers, it is between 2.5 and 4 DKK/container.
The size of the deposit is set in an agreement between the breweries and
the retailers. The deposit level reflects a balance between the need to ensure a
sufficient economic incentive to return the container, and the need to ensure that
producers who use the containers have an incentive to actually re-use the returned
bottles, rather than new ones.
In 1991, the system was modified. The modification consisted of the
introduction of a handling fee for containers received by a retail outlet that does not
sell products in similar containers, and that receives more containers that the retailer
sells. The handling fee is to be paid by the retailers who handle the system vis-à-vis
the consumers. The result of the handling fee is that deposits and refunds are larger at
the level of the retailer/producer, than at the level of retailer/consumer, thereby, the
retailers have an economic incentive to fully support the system.
The Danish deposit refund system has been successfully applied for many
years. The return rate is estimated to be as high as 99% for containers of beers and
carbonated soft drinks. The return rate is almost 90% for containers of wine and spirits
that are covered by a voluntary deposit-refund system. For all other glassware collected
through other means, notably the municipal collection arrangements, it is estimated that
the return rate is almost 65%.
The use of refillable wine containers implies that about 60,000 tons of
waste is avoided each year. Further, the reuse of the containers implies a reduction in
the necessity to produce new containers, and a consequent reduction in the use of energy
and raw materials.
About 2.8 billion containers for beers and carbonated soft drinks are
refilled each year. As a consequence, it is estimated that about 390,000 tons of waste is
avoided each year. This corresponds to about 20% of municipal waste collected from
households[1].
Life Cycle Assessments indicate that the refillable containers have a smaller
environmental impact than throwaway containers and steel containers. The assessments also
show that aluminium containers perform poorer than refillable containers if their
production is based on fossil fuels. However, if the production of the aluminium
containers is based on nuclear power, this conclusion is reversed.
Notes:
These estimates assume that throwaway containers were used
instead and that glassware was not collected and remelted.
This chapter provides an overview of the environmental subsidy schemes that
are in effect in Denmark. The chapter includes also a brief description of the principles that
govern the use of subsidies and their historical developments.
Definition
In a narrow sense, subsidies may be defined as the provision of financial
assistance to producers. In this sense, subsidies may either aim to encourage producers to
reduce their environmental pressure, or they may contribute to reduce compliance costs related
to a specific direct environmental regulation. The latter would thus lead to enhanced
compliance.
In a wider sense, subsidies may also be granted to a wide range of public and
private organisations and institutions. In this sense, subsidies also have a broader scope,
where they can be said to aim to promote an environmentally sound development throughout
society. Some receivers of subsidies may thus act on a broad societal basis in terms of
fulfilling a role as catalysts for an environmentally sound development. The range of subsidy
schemes and their scope is thus quite broad. It ranges from small-scale local awareness
building activities carried out by NGOs, to comprehensive subsidy schemes offered to specific
firms.
Delineation
The Danish use of subsidy schemes has a wide scope. Subsidy schemes serve many
different purposes, and are targeted at different groups of society. This chapter describes
the major schemes applied in Denmark. The chapter, however, does not consider two specific
groups of subsidy schemes:
| international environmental assistance programmes where Denmark provides the financing of
these programmes and the recipients are in another country or group of countries; and |
| subsidy schemes financed by the counties and municipalities. |
Categorisation
Some subsidies relate to environmental media directly. This includes, for
example, subsidies that aim to improve the state of the aquatic environment. Other subsidies
are targeted at specific economic sectors such as agriculture. Further, there are several more
general subsidies. For example, subsidies that aim to promote cleaner technology.
This chapter will be organised around the following grouping of the subsidies:
| water & the aquatic environment; |
| cleaner technology & waste recovery; |
| energy; |
| transportation; |
| agriculture: |
| research & development programmes; and |
| other environmental subsidies. |
No formal subsidy policy
There is a wide range of programmes that authorise the use of subsidies. There
is, however, no overall formal policy to provide the general principles and overall guidelines
to use. Still, environmental subsidy schemes have been in use in Denmark for almost three
decades. During this long period of time, principles have evolved on a more pragmatic and
ad-hoc scale. An overview is provided in Table 9.1.
Table 9.1
Core features of the Danish use of environmental subsidies
Trends and features |
1. From economic compensation towards
strategic subsidy schemes |
2. Temporary use of subsidies
depending on actual problems |
3. Subsidies may be related to
macro economic objectives |
4. Simultaneous introduction
of subsidies and environmental taxes |
5. No earmarking, but
sometimes close relationship between tax
revenue and subsidy |
From general compensation towards strategic subsidy schemes
New environmental regulations are often accompanied by the launching of
subsidy schemes. The schemes typically aim to offset part of the negative financial
implications of the regulations in question. This has been a typical feature since the very
beginning of environmental regulation in Denmark. For example, several subsidy schemes were
approved immediately after the enactment of the Environmental Protection Act (1973). Further,
the adoption of the CO2 tax in the mid 1990s was followed by the
launching of a comprehensive subsidy schemes (see section 9.3).
However, a trend can be observed where subsidy schemes are increasingly used
in a pro-active manner. While many still provide a general compensation, schemes are
increasingly being launched, which can be characterised as strategic tools. Such
schemes are typically implemented independently from other actions. They may aim to promote,
for example, cleaner technology, innovation, and environmental awareness. Other examples of
strategic schemes are subsidies to promote ecological agriculture and environmental friendly
lifestyles.
Temporary use of subsidies depending on actual problems
In most cases, subsidies are of a temporary nature, and tend to have a
lifetime of 5-10 years. The use of a time constraint is often important to accelerate the
effects from the schemes.
Subsidies may relate to macro economic objectives
In some cases, an environmental subsidy scheme can have dual environmental
policy targets, as well as macro economic objectives. Some subsidies to promote energy
efficiency and cleaner technology are thus motivated by a number of concerns. These concerns
relate to the provision of a sound environmental development, the encouragement of Danish
energy self-sufficiency, and support to the development of a strong and competitive Danish
environmental industry. Another example is the subsidy scheme for Green Jobs (see
section 9.3), which explicitly addresses both environmental and labour market concern.[2]
Simultaneous introduction of subsidies and environmental taxes
Policy-packages are well known in Denmark. The concept implies that
environmental taxes are introduced simultaneously with related subsidy schemes a
stick-and-carrot approach. Typically, such packages will include the new environmental tax and
the subsidy scheme. They may also provide for the funding of research & development, and
may include certain regulatory components as well. Policy packages have been used to reduce
the use of ozone depleting substances and of pesticides. The CO2 tax
is also part of a policy package. Earmarking has, however, never been applied, thus there is
never any direct and legally warranted relation between the revenue from the tax, the funds
available for subsidies, and for research and development.
Policy-packages have proven efficient to enhance the acceptability and
effectiveness of specific taxes and other actions.
No earmarking of revenue
Revenues from environmental taxes always enter the general budget.
Consequently, funds for subsidy schemes are always allocated from the state budget.
For the sake of simplicity, this overview seeks to categorise the Danish
subsidy schemes according to the categories listed in the previous section. It should be noted
though, that the categorisation is, to some extent, a rather rigid presentation, because many
subsidies actually serve more than one purpose.
By late 1998, there were a total of 36 environmental subsidy schemes in effect
in Denmark. The majority of the schemes are directed at the energy sector and towards cleaner
technology objectives. More than DKK 3 billion were allocated to the environmental subsidies
in 1998. 67% of those funds were allocated to the energy sector.
Table 9.2
Number of subsidies within different categories
Category of subsidies |
Number of
subsidies |
Budget 1998
(MDKR) |
Water & the aquatic environment |
4 |
83.3 |
Cleaner technology & waste recovery |
9 |
202.7 |
Energy |
14 |
2109,2 |
Transportation |
2 |
97.0 |
Agriculture |
4 |
256.4 |
Research & Development |
3 |
167.8 |
Other environmental subsidies |
3 |
173.5 |
Total |
36 |
3095,6 |
Figure 9.1
Total subsidy sum allocated to the seven categorises of subsidies
The high share of subsidies to the energy sector to some extent reflects that
the sector is also heavily burdened with environmental taxes, including energy taxes. For many
years, Denmark has given a high priority to the need to reduce the environmental pressure from
energy use.
Some of the agriculture subsidies are motivated by an intensified political
effort to improve the state of the aquatic environment. This effort has resulted in both
stricter direct regulations and in the pesticides tax. The subsidy schemes aim, among other
things, to encourage organic farming in Denmark.
A relatively large share of the subsidies is allocated to cleaner technology
and waste recovery purposes. This can, among other things, be explained by an increased
political focus on prevention and cleaner technology. These issues are, for example,
highlighted in the Environmental Protection Act. Furthermore, the enforcement of the waste tax
was accompanied by a subsidy scheme to promote waste recovery, although the tax and the
subsidy were not formally tied to one another.
There are four subsidy schemes that aim to improve the state of waters and the
aquatic environment. The monetary allocations amounted to a total of MDKK 83.3 in 1998. All
four schemes are administered by the DEPA; either solely or in co-operation with other bodies.
Table 9.3
Subsidies in the areas of water and the aquatic environment
Subsidy |
Budget 1998 (MDKR) |
The River Restoration Programme |
3.0 |
Ochre Programme, combating ochre in rivers and lakes |
4.3 |
Ecological Treatment of Wastewater |
26.6 |
The Water Fund |
52.5 |
The Water Fund is the largest single scheme, and supports small water works.
The Fund is motivated by a desire to ensure that the small water works will continue to be
able to supply tap water in sufficient amounts in the future. In most parts of Denmark, ground
water is used as tap water. During recent years it has become apparent that the quality of the
Danish ground water may be threatened by pesticides and nitrate. This will burden the small
water works substantially, because substantial investment might be needed to respond to such
problems. The Water Fund is targeted at waterworks that face such unforeseen costs as a result
of polluted ground water.
Cleaner technology and waste recovery[3]
constitute important elements of a preventive environmental policy. Currently, nine subsidy
schemes are in effect in this area. Most of the schemes support the priorities laid down in
the Government Programmes for Development of Cleaner Technology and Waste Recovery. A total of
MDKK 202.7 was allocated to these schemes in 1998.
Table 9.4
Subsidies in the areas of cleaner technology and waste recovery
Subsidy |
Budget 1998 (MDKR) |
Cleaner Technology Scheme |
49.3 |
The Technology Scheme (equipment to clean polluted
sites) |
15.0 |
Environmental Management and Auditing in SMEs |
14.5 |
Environmental Labelling Scheme |
9.5 |
Waste Minimising and Recycling |
20.0 |
Scheme for collection of tires |
26.9 |
Scheme for collection of lead accumulators |
11.6 |
Scheme for collection of NiCd batteries |
19.9 |
Scheme for removal of waste oil |
36.0 |
There are numerous possible applicants (such as enterprises, research
institutions, consultants, and industry organisations) to these subsidies. However, projects
within the Technology Scheme may only be initiated by DEPA.
Cleaner technology and waste recovery are specific policy areas within the
Ministry of Environment and Energy. Hence, it becomes natural that most of the subsidies are
the sole responsibility of the DEPA.
Subsidies are used extensively in the Danish energy sector. Chapter 11 on the
energy sector provides a more comprehensive description of this area.
The first subsidy scheme was introduced in 1977. This scheme promoted energy
savings in the residential sector, and offered assistance in terms of partial financing of the
investment costs. This could, for example, be for the insulation of houses.
A major focus of the initial schemes was to reduce Denmarks dependency
on imported fuels. The major objectives of the subsidies that are currently in place are to
promote cleaner fuels, to encourage energy savings in general, and to reduce CO2
emissions.
Today, there are fourteen different energy subsidy schemes in force. In total,
more than 2 billion DKK are allocated to these schemes. The subsidies can be grouped into
three main categories:
| subsidies to promote combined heat and power production (CHP) (total budget: 1,365 MDKK); |
| subsidies to promote the use of renewable energy sources (total budget: 168 MDKK); and |
| subsidies to promote energy savings/reduced CO2 emissions (total
budget: 576 MDKK). |
Table 9.5
Danish energy subsidies in 1998
Subsidies in the Energy sector |
Budget 1998 (MDKK) |
Subsidies to promote Combined Heat and Power (CHP)
Subsidy to finalisation of the district heating net system
Subsidy for making older houses suitable to CHP
Subsidy to promote electricity heated houses to apply
district heating
Subsidy to cleaner production of electricity
The fund for conservation of electricity
Scheme for the promotion of biological fuels, etc.
Promotion of coal power planted heat |
50.0
25.0
6.8
1,191.0
60.0
25.0
7.0
|
Subsidies to promote utilisation of renewable
energy
sources
Utilisation of renewable energy
Promotion of four specific renewable technologies |
143.1
25.0
|
Subsidies to promote energy savings/reduced
CO2-emission
Subsidy to energy conservation measures in the
pensioners houses
Subsidy to product oriented energy saving measures
Energy savings in the enterprises
Energy savings in the public sector
Subsidy to cover the expenses associated with the
CO2-tax |
58.0
28.8
399.5
10.0
80.0
|
The promotion of CHP is a cornerstone of Danish energy policy. Its prominent
position is motivated by the fact that CHP yields higher overall energy efficiency.
During the 1990s, a number of subsidy schemes were implemented to improve the
financial performance of combined heat and power production vis-à-vis other types of energy
production. Some schemes are fairly general, such as the support to electricity production and
to industrial CHP. Other schemes support more specific aims. Among those are the subsidies
that support the marginal extension of existing networks, and those that support the
connection of specific types of customers to existing networks.
Subsidy to electricity production
The single largest subsidy scheme is the one that provides support to
electricity production at decentralised CHP plants when production is based on renewable
sources of energy or natural gas. Initially, all plants that fulfilled these conditions
received a subsidy equivalent to the CO2 tax (0.1 DKK/kWh produced).
However, the subsidy structure was changed in 1996.
Since 1996, the subsidy scheme has been differentiated. Natural gas fired CHP
plants and industrial CHP plants are now entitled to a reduced subsidy amounting to 0.07
DKK/kWh. CHP plants based on renewable sources of energy are entitled to an increased subsidy
amounting to 0.27/kWh.
All decentralised CHP plants are entitled to the subsidy. It does not,
however, apply to large CHP plants. There is no time limit except for industry. Industrial CHP
plants are entitled to the subsidy for a maximum period of six years.
The rationale for the scheme is to be found in the construction of the CO2
tax. In the case of electricity, the CO2 tax is imposed on
production, rather than the inputs. The CO2 tax rate for electricity
has, however, been set on the basis of emission factors for coal-based electricity production.
Consequently, electricity production based on renewable energy sources and natural gas is
burdened with a CO2 tax rate that is too high.
1996 changes in subsidy structure
The changes in 1996 were partly motivated by the fact that the previous level
of 0.1 DKK/kWh actually overcompensated natural gas based electricity production, because the
combustion of natural gas does emit small amounts of CO2.
Consequently, the level of 0.07 DKK/kWh was estimated to be a more appropriate level to
achieve 100% compensation. The change was also motivated in a desire to provide a further
encouragement to increase the use of renewable energy sources. Lastly, the change related to
CHP should be seen in conjunction with the whole CO2 package. Thus,
the recycling scheme associated with the CO2 tax allows for the
provision of subsidies to investments in industrial CHP plants. The subsidy may amount to a
maximum of 30% of the investment expenditures.
Subsidy to conversion of district heating plants
Subsidy schemes to support the conversion of district heating plants are a
result of a decision in 1990 that the majority of Danish district heating plants should be
converted to CHP. The subsidies allow for the provision of support to a number of identified
coal-based plants. They aim to support the conversion to CHP and the construction of bio-fuels
based CHP.
The decision in 1990 actually implies that the coal-based plants, some of
which are fairly new, are forced to convert to energy production based on natural gas or
bio-fuels. Consequently, the subsidy scheme had a strong compensatory purpose also.
Subsidies to extension of district heating networks
Subsidies are provided for the extension of heat distribution networks. These
subsidies aim to support the efforts to extend district heating networks based on CHP.
There are two types of subsidies that aim to support the use of renewable
energy:
| A general scheme which provides subsidies to a multitude of actions and types of recipients.
The scheme supports investments and installations to increase the use of renewable energy sources,
and it also supports the development of renewable energy solutions as such. This type of subsidy
may be awarded to, for example, households, industries, and institutions. In this context support
has mainly been provided in the fields of solar heating and bio-mass use. The subsidies have been
in force since 1981. They are, however, regularly adjusted to reflect technological development
and the economic conditions for the various forms of renewable energy. |
| Electricity produced on the basis of renewable sources of energy receives a total subsidy of
DKK 0.27/kWh (as mentioned in section 9.3.3). This subsidy is awarded to, for example, electricity
production by CHPs that use straw and waste, and to electricity production by private
windmills. Windmills installed by the power plants are, however, not entitled to the subsidy. |
The last major group of energy related subsidies are the schemes that aim to
promote general energy savings or to reduce CO2 emissions. Subsidies
are provided for investments that lead to energy savings. The schemes are mainly targeted at
households or industry.
Energy savings in households
The aim of the subsidies is to support energy savings in households. The areas
of subsidisation have been substantially narrowed, and today the subsidy only applies to
retirement pensioners. The previous, much wider scheme, was quite successful. It has been one
of the major driving forces behind the fact that most houses are very well insulated today.
Another important fact is that building standards for new houses include insulation
requirements. Consequently, there is no perceived need for a wide scheme to support the
insulation of houses.
Subsidies are still provided to support the conversion of households
heating systems. The subsidies mainly aim to support the conversion of electrically heated
houses to other types of heating, and to support the conversion and connection of old houses
to district heating networks.
The subsidies to support the conversion from electricity based heating are
motivated by electricitys low thermal efficiency, compared with other forms of heating.
There are still quite a few households in Denmark that use electricity based heat, and the
conversion to other sources of heat necessitates fairly large investments, for example in
radiators.
Energy savings in the industry
As a part of the recycling scheme of the CO2
package, investments in energy saving measures are eligible for support. This possibility
includes the previously mentioned investments in industrial CHP, but subsidies are also
awarded to other actions such as consultancy services, and investments in equipment that
increase the energy efficiency of the recipient.
Two environmental subsidy schemes are in effect, in the field of
transportation. In total, the budget for the two schemes amount to 97 MDKK.
The Traffic Scheme aims to reduce the environmental impact from
transportation, through development and demonstration projects. The competent authority is the
Ministry of Transport.
The integration of environmental concerns into Municipal Traffic Planning is a
fairly small subsidy scheme. It aims to provide an incentive for municipalities to develop
local actions plans in the field of traffic and environment. The competent authority is the
Ministry of Environment and Energy.
Table 9.6
Subsidies in the area of transportation
Subsidy |
Budget 1998
(MDKR) |
The Traffic Scheme |
92.0 |
Municipal Traffic Planning |
5.0 |
In addition to these subsidies it should be noted that public transportation
is heavily subsidised. The general budget for 1998 allocated MDKK 335 to be used for fare
reductions in public transportation. However, this support is motivated in a number of
concerns, including income distribution objectives.
Four fairly comprehensive subsidy schemes are in force in the field of
agriculture. Their total budget is MDKK 256. This is more than 8% of the total budget for
environmental subsidy schemes.
Almost all of the schemes are pro-active and strategic in the sense that they
are not linked content-wise to corresponding taxation schemes. There is, however, some
relation between the pesticides tax, and the subsidies to promote environmental-friendly
cultivation practices and organic farming. However, the link is fairly weak compared to other
schemes.
Table 9.7
Subsidies in the area of agriculture
Subsidy |
Budget 1998 (MDKR) |
Environment friendly measures in agriculture
protection of certain environment sensitive areas |
57.1 |
Activities concerning pesticide |
13.7 |
Promotion of ecological production within agriculture
and fisheries |
145.8 |
Subsidy to environmental investments in small farms |
39.8 |
The Ministry of Food, Agriculture, and Fisheries administers most of the
subsidies. Only the scheme for Activities concerning pesticides is administered by
DEPA. It aims to improve the state of knowledge on pesticides and their environmental impacts.
Four subsidy schemes aim to support environmental research and development in
general. Their annual budget is 168 MDKK.
Table 9.8
Subsidies to support environmental research and development
Subsidy |
Budget 1998 (MDKR) |
The Danish Environmental Research Programme |
38.0 |
The National Environmental Research Institute |
125.7 |
The North-West Jutland Centre for Renewable Energy |
5.0 |
The Danish Urban Ecological Centre |
5.0 |
The Danish Environmental Research Programme aims to strengthen the state of
knowledge underlying political decision-making processes. It is a co-ordinated programme. A
number of ministries participate in the programme, such as the Ministry of Labour; the
Ministry of Environment and Energy; the Ministry of Food, Agriculture and Fisheries; the
Ministry of Health; the Ministry of Research; and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
The National Environmental Research Institute is an independent research
institution under the Danish Ministry of Environment and Energy. As a research institute, NERI
is, however, independent of the political/administrative system. This independence is
warranted through legislation.
The Danish Urban Ecological Centre is a knowledge centre that is currently
being established. The activities of the centre focus on development and demonstration
projects, and aims to support the greening of everyday urban life. Likewise, the North-West
Jutland Centre for Renewable Energy is a knowledge centre that is currently being established.
The Centre will promote and develop the use of renewable energy sources.
In addition to the above, two other national research programmes the
Danish Energy Research Programme and the Danish Building Research Programme attach
quite a prominent role to environmental issues. However, their main focus is not
environmental.
Three subsidies are placed in this category.
Table 9.9
Other environmental subsidies
Subsidy |
Budget 1998 (MDKR) |
The Green Fund |
49.2 |
The Fund for Creation of Green Jobs |
120.0 |
Subsidy to experimental building |
4.0 |
There are some similarities between the Green Fund and the Fund for Creation
of Green Jobs. They are both administered by the Green Secretariat in the Ministry of
Environment and Energy, and they both aim to encourage institutions and individuals to
initiate various environmental projects. The Fund for Creation of Green Jobs is specifically
targeted at the creation of green jobs, whereas the Green Fund promotes the development of a
sustainable culture and sustainable lifestyles in general.
Notes:
This chapter is based on various materials from the Danish
Environmental Protection Agency on subsidies, 1999, materials from the Energy Agency on
subsidies, various laws on subsidies, Danish State Budget, 1998; and AKF Rapport October 1997 on
taxes and subsidies in the energy sector.
This approach of combining measures is in accordance with the
theoretical literature on how to bring about an ecological modernisation of societies. See for
instance National Environmental Policies. A Comparative Study of Capacity-Building, M.
Jänicke & H. Weidner (eds.), Springer, 1997.
The use of the term recovery here does not include
incineration with heat recovery, which is generally included in the concept.
Purpose of chapter
This chapter[1]
describes the processes involved in the Danish implementation of economic instruments in
environmental protection. Based on the Danish experience it seeks to identify factors of general
importance to an effective implementation process.
The chapter is centred on six important aspects of the implementation process:
announcement; supervision; calculation; collection; control; and sanctions.
Major issues
Some of the major issues addressed in this chapter are:
| the actors involved with the implementation process, and the division of tasks between them; |
| the principles underlying the implementation policy, for example, in regard to the design of
environmental taxes; and |
| factors of importance to achieving a cost-efficient implementation. This includes also a
discussion on administration and management issues. |
Delimitation
The chapter focuses on taxes and user fees.
Implementation and the decision-making process
Implementation is the process where a policy decision is put into specific action.
It constitutes an important stage in the decision-making process, as it provides the link between
the wishes and intentions of the political decision-makers on one hand, and the affected agents on
the other (be it households or industrial sectors). Civil servants provide the realisation of this
link.
Figure 10.1 is a simplified illustration of a decision-making process. It should
be noted that enforcement issues, such as control and sanctioning, are included here.
Figure 10.1
Stages in the policy process
The ideal implementation process
Ideally, the implementation process should lead to goal fulfilment at the lowest
costs. However, the achievement of this ideal is a complicated task. Complexities arise for a
number of reasons
| First, the above ideal outcome assumes, for instance, that all the affected economic agents can be
identified, that they are all aware of the new regulation, and that they are being properly guided by
the authorities on how to cope smoothly with the regulation in question. |
| Furthermore, the tax level must be efficiently calculated, collected, and administrated. There
should also be an effective control of payments compliance within the provisions of the law. If this
is not the case, appropriate options for sanctions should be identified and used. |
All of these aspects will be examined in the following analysis of the six aspects
of the implementation process shown at the right side of Figure 10.1.
The announcement of new legislation aims simply to make citizens and enterprises
aware of its existence. Legally, it is sufficient that an Act or Statutory Order is published in
the Danish legal gazette Lovtidende.
Every citizen in Denmark is thereafter bound to comply with the regulation.
However, it is generally recognised that the legal gazette is not the most appropriate means of
ensuring that all relevant parties and persons actually become familiar with the law in question.
As a consequence, the real channels of communication are very important.
These real channels of communication the concrete supplementary
means of announcement have a number of variants. Variants include, for example, direct
letters to affected enterprises, advertisement campaigns in major newspapers, television spots,
and involvement in the announcement phase of the relevant industry or interest organisations.
Taxes are to be announced by the Danish Ministry of Taxation. It is the Department
of Customs and Excise that exercise this duty. The Department is thus responsible for the
preparation of information on new legislation. The means of announcement differs according to the
specific context of the legislation. Text box 10.1 provides specific examples.
Text box 10.1 Examples of means of announcement
Announcement of the tax on pesticides
The tax on pesticides entered into force on January 1, 1996. Technically speaking, the
law contains a relationship between the importers and producers of pesticides (the parties imposed
with the tax) and the taxation authorities (the collectors of the tax). The ultimate intention of the
tax is to provide the users of pesticides, in particular the Danish farmers, with an economic
incentive to reduce their use. The communication (announcement), however mainly targeted the producers
and importers that have been guided on how to cope with the new regulation, and not the farmers. A
major rationale for this, is that the farmers are the ones to react according to the new price
structure. The information did not aim to pursue an awareness-oriented objective, but rather to inform
those to whom the tax was imposed on, and how to deal with it.
Announcement of the tax on tap water
The announcement of the recently introduced tax on tap water exhibits similar
features. Ultimately, the tax affects the whole Danish population. Technically, however, it only
relates to the water utilities. The tax is collected from the water utilities (water works), who may,
and do, pass it on to consumers. Still, it should be noted that awareness building measures have been
used, in terms of, for example, public information campaigns, to encourage consumers to reduce their
use of tap water. This has also included information on the economic gains to be achieved.
These two examples show that the announcement activities do not, per se, have a
broader awareness-building function, but primarily a legal purpose: to inform those which
the law explicitly addresses. |
The Ministry of Taxation emphasises that enterprises affected by a new regulation
should be informed properly and in due time. Experience shows, however, that this can be
difficult. One important explanation of this relates to timing, particularly in cases where the
adoption of a new tax or charge has constituted part of the approval of next years state budget.
The budget is typically approved in December, and consequently, the new tax or charge takes effect
already from January 1, the following year. This tight schedule does not leave much room for a
well-prepared strategy of announcement, hence this process has given rise to severe criticism.
The term supervision covers all activities that authorities undertake
to guide the enterprises (and others) on how to comply with specific regulations, including
economic instruments. Supervision basically aims to achieve the highest possible level of
compliance at the lowest costs. This is to be achieved by providing the enterprises with as much relevant
information and guidance as possible.
The Ministry of Taxation must elaborate specific guidelines on each new tax. If
possible, the relevant industry organisations will often be involved in this process. The
advantage of this involvement, is that the organisations know more on how to best communicate with
their members regarding their specific conditions. Often, the involvement of industry
organisations will enhance the relevance of the guidelines, and contribute to ensure a good
communication of them.
The regional customs and excise departments play an important role in the
supervision phase. They provide day-to-day supervision to the enterprises. This includes
activities such as: the organisation of general information meetings; meetings with individual
enterprises; organisation of seminars with specifically targeted enterprises; meetings with branch
organisations; visits at enterprises; and the answering of phone calls and letters. provides
an example of the announcement and supervision activities related to the CO2
tax in Denmark.
The philosophy underlying the supervisory activities is contained in the Strategy
Paper of the Department of Customs and Excise (1998). The Department aims to achieve an active
dialogue with enterprises and citizens. The dialogue should facilitate the dissemination of
information on how to comply with the tax. Further, the dialogue would contribute to frame
decisions that are fair, coherent, and understandable, while also giving a high
priority to a strict policy that aims to ensure a high level of compliance.
Text box 10.2 The introduction of CO2 tax in Denmark
Shortly after the so-called CO2-package was
introduced in 1995, advertisements were inserted in the major newspapers, followed by information
campaigns published on the national television channels. In addition:
| newsletters were sent to all affected enterprises. The newsletters, among other
things, informed on the specific content and basic rationale of the new laws. Different letters were
targeted at different types of enterprises. A journalistic approach to the layout and contents of the
newsletter was applied. An advertising agency assisted to prepare the layout;
|
| the regional Custom and Excise offices invited the enterprises to information meetings
where the new laws were presented; and.
|
| the enterprises were invited to contact the regional Custom and Excise offices for
ad-hoc clarifications and questions. On an individual basis, a number of meetings were arranged between
regional customs and excise departments and individual enterprises.
|
According to the Department of Customs and Excise, the above activities increase the
level of compliance significantly. |
The calculation of the liable taxes is the next step in the implementation
process. It is a profound feature in Denmark, that this calculation is the responsibility of the
enterprises liable to the tax. This system of self-reporting is applied at all levels.
The system of self-reporting implies that the tax is imposed on the highest
possible levels of the distribution chain. This would typically imply that the tax is imposed on
the producers and/or the importers of the article in question. In that case, all enterprises that
produce and/or import the relevant article must register with the Department of Customs and
Excise. All registered enterprises receive a certificate in proof of their registration.
On a regular, typically monthly, basis, the registered enterprises must assess and
book the amounts of the dutiable articles that have left the enterprise and/or that it has used
itself. The enterprises are obliged to report and pay accordingly.
The accounts resulting from the above thus constitute the basis for the
calculation of the liable tax. Such a system requires both a good system of control, and a certain
level of moral at the enterprises.
The 30 regional customs and excise departments collect the taxes. The regional
departments are part of the Department of Customs and Excise. The departments have substantial
experience and expertise that has developed through many years of practice with the collection of
product taxes in Denmark.
The environmental taxes are thus collected by a non-environmental
authority. The Department of Customs and Excise was not established to collect environmental
taxes, however, the environmental taxation system in Denmark has been developed to make the most
use of the already existing taxation system. The implementation of environmental taxes has thus
been a major concern. In this regard, the use of an existing and well-functioning structure has
considerably contributed to reduce the administrative costs involved in the implementation of the
environmental taxes.
As a consequence of the above, the collection of the environmental taxes is quite
efficient. The system of VAT registration is an important explanation for this. All enterprises in
Denmark must register for VAT, and the VAT register in turn, constitutes the basis for the
collection of VAT payments. This system is very effective, and it therefore provides an excellent
basis for the collection of other taxes, including the environmental taxes. Through the register,
the Department of Customs and Excise has a comprehensive and up-to-date register of all
enterprises that undertake commercial activities in Denmark.
There are no statistics on the collection rates for environmental taxes. The
Ministry of Taxation, however, assesses that the collection rates in almost all cases are at least
80%, and in the majority of cases, the rates are far in excess of 80%.
The collection rates are strongly dependent on the effectiveness of the control
system. While moral and willingness to comply are fairly high, control is nevertheless extremely
important, to avoid evasion and misreporting.
Control of payment of environmental taxes is based on two pillars:
| all enterprises that produce and/or import dutiable products must register with the national
Department of Customs and Excise; and |
| enterprises are obligated to keep records of all transactions in the dutiable products. |
Comparisons of the records of relevant transactions (item 2 above) with the
enterprises VAT reports facilitates a cross-checking of the accounts. Through
cross-checking, mis-reporting and intended non-payments can be detected. Further, the system makes
it possible for the taxation authorities to trace activities back in time. The Department of
Customs and Excise can take action, such as inspection visits without prior notification. This
option further contributes to render the system efficient, and such inspection visits do take
place.
Text box 10.3 Examples of collection and control of taxes
The waste tax is imposed on the waste companies. There are
less than 50 registered waste companies and this small number renders the task of collection and
control relatively easy for the Customs Authorities. The companies must register with the Department
of Customs and Excise, and they must, on a regular basis, prepare accounts on incoming and outgoing
quantities of waste. The waste companies pass the tax on to the waste producers; simply by adding the
tax on to the price that they charge to receive the waste.
The CO2 tax is an example of a much more complicated
system. The system applies a division of the energy consumption into three categories: heavy
processes, light processes, and space heating. The taxes vary according to type of energy used. This
implies that every single enterprise not only the importers/producers of fossil fuels
must monitor the composition of its energy use and to pay the tax accordingly. |
Control is the responsibility of the Department of Customs and Excise and its 30
regional offices. The Department and the regional departments employ a total of 5,900 people.
About one fourth of those are involved in various control functions. Correspondingly, about one
fourth of the operation expenses are allocated to control purposes (estimated costs: DKK 700
million). However, no attempts have been made to assess the amount of resources used specifically
for the control of compliance with environmental taxes.
Although significant resources are used for control purposes, it should still be
stressed that the Danish tax system relies heavily on the existence of good moral and a
willingness to co-operate with public authorities. As a rule, the taxation authorities estimate
that 95% of all the enterprises can, a priori, be expected to comply with environmental
taxes. This leaves the bulk of the control resources to be concentrated to a relatively small
number of enterprises.
In principle, everyone can report a breach of law to the responsible authority
and/or to the police. In the case of environmental taxes, it is normally the taxation authorities
that report the offence. The possible financial sanctions relate to cases of delayed and omitted
payments, and the provision of false information on the use of dutiable products.
The environmental tax laws contain slightly different stipulations on the types of
sanctions to be applied. Hence, not all of the options for sanctions listed in the following may
be applied in all cases. The gross list of possible sanctions include:
| cases of delayed payments, where the enterprise has to pay additional interests of the tax (1.3%
per month); |
| the imposition of fines; |
| imprisonment of up to two years; and |
| in severe cases, the Department may withdraw the registration of the enterprise in question until
payment of liable amounts, including fines, has been effectuated. |
Another element of the implementation process is measuring the effects of the
environmental taxes and charges. In Denmark, the monitoring of the environmental effects of
environmental taxes and charges is not systematic. The environmental monitoring focuses on the
quality of the environmental media; like air, soil, and water, and it does not aim to relate this
in detail to the various instruments and regulations in use. The monitoring of environmental taxes
and charges tend to focus more on the immediate behavioural effects achieved, and is still
executed on a fairly ad-hoc basis.
The monitoring of the environmental effects on media affected by user fees,
involves the municipalities, the counties, and the government. In the field of waste, the
municipalities must report to the Danish Environmental Protection Agency on waste treatment. This
makes it possible to monitor the fulfilment of overall national waste policy objectives. Tap water
is monitored exclusively by the municipalities.
The counties are strongly involved in the monitoring of the aquatic environment by
preparing the local recipient plans in accordance with the overall National Action Plan for the
Aquatic Environment. The municipalities prepare sewage plans that must be in line with the local
recipient plans. The common practice is to prepare the two types of plans simultaneously. If the
counties tighten the quality requirements to the watercourses and lakes, the municipalities may
need to improve the treatment facilities.
The use of environmental taxes is increasing, but the knowledge on
the actual effect of the instruments is still rather limited. Therefore, ex-post
evaluations are increasingly being carried out. Thus, evaluations were prepared in 1998 of the CO2
tax, the SO2 tax, the tax on chlorinated solvents, the
sewage tax, and the tax on NiCd batteries[2].
Announcement
User fees typically assume a relation between a municipality on the one hand, and
its citizens and enterprises on the other. Comprehensive registers over households and enterprises
are used. These registers constitute the prime source when identifying those affected by specific
user fees.
The number of user fees is relatively small and stable. Consequently, the
announcement of new fees is not a major concern. When a municipality or a group of municipalities,
would launch a specific campaign to inform on, for example, changes in fee levels, this would
typically be done in a fairly direct way: through the local media and/or through direct mail to
all households.
Supervision
Each year, all households (owners of property only), and all other users of the
relevant municipal service, are informed on the their use of the service and the associated liable
fee payment. The municipalities are obligated by law to provide this information. Municipalities
may also take other actions, such as the launching of specific information campaigns that could be
targeted at specific groups.
The main supervision efforts are effectuated vis-à-vis the enterprises. For
example, some of the larger municipalities have employed a waste consultant. The waste consultant
serves the enterprises, and provides advice on cost-saving measures to minimise waste production.
Text box 10.4 The use of local waste consultants.
An inter-municipal waste company located in the southern part of Jutland,
Affaldsregion Nord, has employed a waste consultant. The company is owned by six
municipalities. There is a total of 800 enterprises in the region. The waste consultant visits the
enterprises on a regular basis and provides advice on how to collect and sort their waste (in
particular paper, plastic, & glass) more efficiently. So far it has resulted in a 5% increase in
1997 in the total amount of waste collected for reuse. The fact that such waste is not subject to the
waste tax means that the enterprises have a potential financial benefit from the use of the advice.
According to the waste consultant, there are many cases where the enterprises are not aware of the
actual level of fees and taxes, and where they lack knowledge on cost-effective possibilities to
reorganise their waste handling. The services of the waste consultant are offered to the enterprises
free of charge. It is financed from the revenues from waste user fees. |
The Municipal Departments for Technical and Environmental Issues undertake the
daily administration of the user fees. In undertaking this task, the departments co-operate with
the Economic Department of the municipality[3].
Furthermore, the exact calculation of the user fees is done centrally by the company Kommune
Data in Copenhagen. See Text box 10.5.
The municipal authorities calculate the fees for households. In the case of user
fees that are determined by the actual use, the households and the enterprises are obliged to read
their meters and report on their use. Meters are installed in most households and enterprises. If
the reporting is omitted, the use is estimated. When a property is sold, an external party reads
the meters. This mechanism ensures that the final payments will be correct in the end.
Some of the user fees are not quantity dependent. The municipal waste fee is
normally set as a unitary price per household. User fees for industrial waste are calculated by
the waste companies that receive the waste they simply weigh in all the received waste.
Text box 10.5 User fees are calculated in a central computer system
Calculation of the user fees is carried out centrally by the company Kommune Data,
which is operated by the municipalities. It applies a specific computer program called FAS (Forbrugsafgiftssystem).
The municipalities submit the necessary data to this company, the resulting fees are calculated, and
the results are submitted to the municipalities. In some cases, KommuneData puts the results directly
onto the property taxation documents. These documents are commonly applied to collect user fees. |
Collection
In practice, the collection of user fees from households is done simultaneously
with the collection of property taxes. This facilitates a simple and effective procedure in case
of delayed or omitted payments.
The collection of user fees from enterprises differs, to some extent, from the
above. These fees are, in some cases, paid directly to the utility that provided the service. The
utility is very often owned by the municipality or by in inter-municipal ownership.
Control
Control is performed by the municipal authorities when payments are not
effectuated directly to the relevant utilities. The existence of comprehensive and up-to-date
registers substantially contributes to provide the basis for an effective control. Further, the
fees are designed so that evasion is difficult (see chapter 7).
Sanction in case of non-compliance
In the case of delayed or omitted payments, sanctions are imposed. This includes,
for example, the imposition of interests and surcharges. Further, incorrect or omitted payments
may lead to the following sanctions:
| dunning letters (reminders) with a fixed additional payment; |
| collection of debt and/or debt recovery (inkasso); and |
| mortgage may be taken out in real property. |
It should be noted that a municipality is not allowed to interrupt the provision
of the service. However, the fact that the municipality may take out a mortgage in real property
without a prior decree, substantially contributes to ensuring that payments are ultimately
effectuated.
There are important differences between the implementation of user fees and the
implementation of environmental taxes and charges. This section identifies and categorises these
differences.
Legal basis deviate
One should note that the legal basis for user fees and for environmental taxation
is different.
User fees are implemented in a decentralised manner, whereas the implementation of
environmental taxes is the responsibility of national authorities (the Ministry of Taxation and
its subordinated authorities).
The municipalities set the user fees within the framework established in national
legislation. This decentralised approach implies that local features, such as the state of the
aquatic environment, may be taken into account. It further means that specific local priorities
may be established and promoted within the frames provided by the legislation.
The Constitution states that environmental taxes and charges should be implemented
by law. Consequently, there are several environmental tax laws in Denmark; one for each tax and
charge. They are fairly standardised with regard to their structure and much of their content.
This high level of standardisation does, in fact, provide the basis for a fairly standardised
implementation process.
Table 10.1
The implementation of user fees, taxes and charges
|
User fees |
Taxes and charges |
Legal basis |
The Environmental Protection Act contains the mandatory
requirements that must be made operational through local decisions. |
The Constitution and specific laws. Under the provision
of the Danish constitution (article 34), taxes can only be collected if they are warranted by law. |
Principles steering the setting of rates |
Economic neutrality and full cost recovery (no more and
no less) |
Guided by the overall aim to internalise external costs
and/or set rates in correspondence with predetermined policy targets |
May the rates vary? |
Yes. Rates are fixed locally and separately. Rates may
vary according to local conditions. |
No. Exceptions and tax differentiations may, however, be
granted by law. |
Is the revenue ear marked? |
Yes. |
No. |
Prime implementing actors |
The 275 Danish municipalities. |
The Ministry of Taxation, Department of Customs and
Excise (and its regional offices). |
Different principles for setting the levels
The principles governing the setting of fees and taxes are not the same. In
principle, environmental taxes should aim to internalise the external costs. However, in most
cases, a more pragmatic approach is applied. This approach implies that the tax is set at a level
that is expected to lead to the fulfilment of certain policy objectives that comprise a wider
range of objectives, than those that are purely environmentally motivated. User fees, on the
contrary, are to be set on the basis of the principle of cost-recovery.
Size of user fees may differ between municipalities
As a consequence of the principle of full cost-recovery the user fee levels
deviate significantly from one municipality to the other. This reflects substantial variations in
local conditions.
Different actors involved
Different actors are involved in the implementation of the two types of
instruments. The implementation of taxes is, by and large, the responsibility of the Ministry of
Taxation and its subordinated authorities. The implementation of user fees is primarily the
responsibility of municipalities. The municipalities are also overall responsible for the
provision of the service in question. They might out-source some of the activities to private
companies, for example, municipal waste collection, but they would still have to administer the
overall arrangement, and would still assume overall responsibility.
Table 10.2
Actors involved in the implementation process
Implementation aspects |
Actors involved |
Announcement |
User fees
Taxes |
The municipalities
The Department of Customs and Excise |
Supervision |
User fees
Taxes |
The municipalities
The 31 regional Customs and Excise offices |
Calculation |
User fees
Taxes |
The municipalities (citizens and enterprises)
The enterprises (self-reporting) |
Collection |
User fees
Taxes |
The municipalities
The 31 regional Customs and Excise offices |
Control |
User fees
Taxes |
The municipalities
The 31 regional Customs and Excise offices |
Sanction |
User fees
Taxes |
The municipalities
The Department of Customs and Excise |
This section describes the main actors involved in the implementation of
environmental taxes.
Ministry of Taxation
The Ministry of Taxation is involved in three overall tasks:
| Framing of legislation; |
| Administration of complaints from citizens and enterprises; and |
| General administration and implementation of tax issues in Denmark. |
Figure 10.2
shows the organisation of the Ministry of Taxation
Consequently, the Ministry of Taxation is an important policy-maker in regard to
economic instruments. The Ministry is formally responsible for the initiation and preparation of
new environmental taxes. Normally, the Ministry will effectuate this in close co-ordination with
the Ministry of Environment and Energy and other relevant ministries (for example, the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Transport, the Ministry of Finance, and the Ministry of Trade and
Industry).
Three specific offices in the Ministry are primarily responsible for the framing
of new legislation on environmental taxes. In total, about 15 Ministry employees are, to some
extent, involved in issues that relate to environmental taxes.
The Department of Custom and Excise
The Department of Customs and Excise is in the Ministry of Taxation. The
department is responsible for the administration of taxes, charges, and customs in Denmark. The
Department is a unitary organisation, but has delegated powers to 31 regional Custom and Excise
Departments. The regional Departments carry out most of the implementation functions. The national
Department announces new environmental taxes to the public and to the enterprises, and also
regularly guides the regional Departments.
The Customs and Excise Regions
The Customs and Excise Regional Departments handle all issues in their specific
regional area. This covers: the registration of enterprises; the handling of controversies over
the interpretation of laws; reporting on VAT and other various types of taxes; and social security
contributions. Furthermore, the regional Departments: answer inquiries from enterprises; produce
information materials; organise courses for local enterprises; and visit enterprises. The regional
departments also play a prominent role in the daily administration of environmental taxes and
charges. They are thus responsible for the enforcement of the green tax laws. This responsibility
includes: the supervision of enterprises; the collection of revenues; and the control of payments.
The Department of Customs and Excise employs a total of 5,900 people.
The Ministry of Environment and Energy
The Ministry of Environment and Energy is in charge of administrative and research
tasks in the area of environmental protection, energy, and planning. Further, the Ministry plays a
prominent role in the overall environmental policy making process. At regional and local levels,
much of the administrative responsibility has been delegated to local governments in counties and
municipalities. The Ministry employs more than 3,000 people. Figure 2.2 shows the organisation of
the Ministry.
The Ministry has three agencies: The Danish Environmental Protection Agency; The
Danish Energy Agency; and the National Forest and Nature Agency. The former is in charge of
environmental issues. This includes also the economic instruments in environmental protection.
The Danish Environmental Protection Agency
The Danish Environmental Protection Agency (DEPA) has some 460 employees. The
Danish EPA advises the Minister for Environment and Energy and administers legislation on the
environment. The aim is to prevent and combat pollution of the water, soil, and air. The Danish
EPA is organised into 24 specialist divisions, six interdisciplinary divisions, and the
management.
The Economy Department in DEPA is responsible for environmental economic issues,
including co-ordination of the Agencys work in this field. Given the positive attention
which is paid to the virtues of economic instruments in environmental protection, it comes natural
that DEPA is a driving force in policy-development in this area, although the formal right and
responsibility to prepare new legislation lies with the Ministry of Taxation.
The Energy Agency
The Danish Energy Agency was established in 1976. The Agency centres its
activities around the production, supply, and consumption of energy. The Agency is responsible to
ensure, on behalf on the State, a sound development of the energy sector in Denmark from the
perspectives of society, the environment, and the security of supply. The Agency drafts and
administers Danish energy legislation.
The Agency became involved in the implementation of economic instruments when the
so-called CO2-package was launched in mid 1990s. The Energy Agency is
assigned the right to enter into voluntary energy agreements with enterprises.
The appropriate methods to ensure an effective implementation of economic
instruments in environmental protection are largely dependent on the specific conditions of the
country in question. Such features and conditions may vary substantially throughout the world.
This section identifies and describes seven factors that have contributed significantly to an
effective implementation of economic instruments in Denmark.
The first factor is of a very general and intangible nature. This factor relates
to the existence of a certain morality in Denmark which renders it natural for the majority of
enterprises and citizens to comply with existing legislation. Thus, it is the overall perception
that most of the enterprises can be expected, a priori, to co-operate and comply.
Authorities are considered legitimate
This moral feature has evolved over time and its creation and persistence may,
among other things, be explained by the fact the Danish authorities are generally perceived to be
legitimate and competent authorities that do not misuse their power vis-à-vis the citizen and
enterprises.
Another important driving force behind the development of a certain morality,
could also be the fact that a co-operative approach is often applied in the framing of policies.
The approach implies that affected parties and other stakeholders are consulted while the law is
prepared. This process is not a negotiation, but it can nevertheless contribute to the ensurance
that unintended and unpopular side-effects are reduced. The law is also designed with a view to
easing the administrative burdens of those imposed with the tax. Furthermore, the process implies
that stakeholders might become more aware of the environmental issues dealt with. Consequently,
the process can contribute to enhance the acceptability of the resulting legislation.
Registration systems
Effective collection and control systems are other very important conditions to an
effective implementation of economic instruments. The collection and control systems in Denmark
make it difficult to evade tax payments. Effective registration systems is an important aspect of
this:
| A national register (Folkeregistret) stores information on all Danish citizens
(for example, the date of birth, place of residence, and profession). In order to be entitled to
social services, and other public services, citizens must be registered. Hence, there is a very strong
incentive to register. All citizens are registered at birth. |
| Households are registered on a municipal basis and this registration forms the basis for
payment of property taxes and other services. The authorities thus have complete information on all
households. |
| All enterprises must register with the VAT register. |
Co-ordination is a necessity
The effective use of economic instruments necessitates a strong co-ordination of
communication between the Ministry of Environment and Energy on the one hand, and the Ministry of
Taxation on the other. This applies to the preparation stages, as well as to the implementation
process.
Co-operation has been substantially enhanced since 1993. Until 1993, the Ministry
of Environment and Energy was quite isolated in its intention to enlarge the use of economic
instruments. The Ministry of Taxation was somewhat reluctant, with the exception of energy taxes
and taxes on vehicles.
Since 1993, however, three major policy initiatives and studies have contributed
to place the merits of environmental taxes higher on the political and administrative agenda. The
initiatives and studies include: The 1994 tax reform; the so-called Dithmar-analysis, which
studies the options for a wider use of environmental taxes in Denmark; and the action plan for the
aquatic environment (Vandmiljøplan II). These studies span across the
bureaucratic borders of the ministries, and have resulted in a spread of understanding and support
of the basic rationale behind environmental taxes. The establishment of forums for debates, and
consultations with representatives from environmental, economic, and taxation authorities, have
all been of significant importance to this process.
Formal initiative right rests with the Ministry of Taxation
The Ministry of Taxation has the formal right to prepare and forward environmental
tax laws. Thus, the recent changes of the Pesticide tax (1998) was prepared almost solely by the
Ministry of Taxation. The Ministry of Environment and Energy was involved only to a minor extent.
This illustrates that the Ministry of Taxation has moved from a position of reluctance towards a
position where it actively promotes environmental taxation.
The administrative costs
Effective implementation can be seriously be impeded by an inappropriate tax
design. It is therefore important to assess the administrative, monitoring, and compliance costs
of the implementation of specific user fees and taxes. Issues to consider relate to, among other
things, the choice of the tax/fee base (object for taxation). The base should be easily
identifiable, calculable, and controllable. This identification of the base will often necessitate
trade-offs and the acceptance of a compromise between the ideal environmental performance, and the
need to use a cost-effective means of administering the tax. Over the years, simple designs have
come to play a prominent role.
The Danish tax on ozone depleting substances (ODS) provides an example of such a
simple design. The tax is DKK 30/kg for all types of ODSs and halons, even though the ozone
depleting potentials of these substances vary significantly (with more than a factor 10 between
the most and the least depleting substance). There is thus only a weak correlation between the
relative environmental undesirability of the substance and the tax level. Hence, the environmental
precision can be said to be low. The unitary tax level, however, eases the implementation of
the tax.
As a rule of thumb, it is generally required that the administrative costs of a
specific environmental tax must not exceed 5% of their total revenue. If the percentage is higher,
the administrative costs are considered to be unacceptable.
For the same reason, Denmark prefers product taxes to emission taxes, although the
latter are more closely related to the environmental problems. In fact, genuine emission taxes are
not used at all in Denmark, because control and measurement is difficult and costly. Still, the
sewage tax and the SO2 tax bear a strong resemblance to emission taxes.
Ideally, an environmental tax law should identify the problem(s) to be addressed
and stipulate the objective(s) to be pursued. Furthermore, it should structure the implementation
process. The latter means that the law should, for example, specify the authorities responsible
for the specific implementation functions, provide the legal and financial resources to those
authorities, stipulate a set of clear and consistent objectives, and assign implementation
functions to the relevant agencies that support the legislations objectives.
In general, the laws on environmental taxes in Denmark fulfil these criteria quite
well. Thus, as one of the first clauses, all environmental tax laws would contain a statement
where the problems to be addressed and the objectives of the new law are explicitly mentioned.
Further, all the laws contain an explicit identification of the responsible taxation authorities
responsible. Finally, an assessment of the administrative costs normally accompanies the laws.
The Danish tax laws are, to a high degree, standardised. They follow the same
outline, stick to same principles regarding tax design, and the taxes are typically product taxes.
Table 10.3
Composition of the Danish environmental tax laws
The tax is imposed high up in the distribution chain;
meaning at the level of the producer and/or the importer of the product (goods, substance, etc.), who
is to be taxed. One notable exemption from this standard is the CO2
tax law, where refunds are provided to the individual companies. |
All enterprises that produce and/or import the relevant
product must register at the national Department of Customs and Excise as producer/importer of the
product in question. All registered enterprises receive a receipt. |
On a regular (monthly) basis, the registered enterprises
must calculate and book the amounts of the dutiable products which have left the enterprise, and pay
accordingly |
Dutiable products which are components in other
non-dutiable imported products are taxed according to the specifications in the Danish Customs Law. |
Dutiable products which are exported are exempted from
taxation |
Some uses of the product are exempted from taxation, for
example, products used for diplomatic purposes |
If the tax is not paid at the latest of 14 days after it
is due, the Department of Customs and Excise may withdraw the registration of the enterprise;
hence, it is not allowed to operate until taxes are paid. If the tax is not paid in due time the
enterprise shall pay 1.3% interest rate per month. |
The Department of Customs and Excise has the right to
inspect the enterprise and the accounts without prior notification |
Finally, it should be highlighted that the use of economic instruments in
environmental protection has an implementation advantage that is seldom recognised. This derives
from the fact that economic instruments are not as vulnerable to implementation distortions as
other instruments.
Implementation distortions arise when the implementation process is distorted. The
results of distortions are that the final outcomes are not in accordance with the initial
expectations. Such distortions may arise from the fact that implementation is more than a pure
technical exercise. Implementation is often a political issue in which disputes over
(re)distribution of societal resources can take place, resulting in a distortion.
Furthermore organisations and individuals are the actual executors of the
implementation. They may also intentionally or unintentionally bias the final outcome compared to
the political intentions.
Economic instruments leave very little room for such policy making at the
implementation stage. Once the law is completed, it is only the small details that are left for
the interpretation of the Minister and the administration.
Another implication of the above is that unresolved disputes can only very rarely
be transferred to the implementation stage in the case of economic instruments.
Table 10.4 provides an overview of the previously identified factors of importance
to the effectiveness of the implementation process.
Table 10.4
Overview of factors of importance for effective implementation of economic instruments
Factors of importance for implementation |
Consequence for the implementation process |
Other consequences |
Moral standards within the general public and the
enterprises |
Makes it possible to have a system in which enterprises
themselves, self-report on consumption of dutiable products. Moreover, the taxation
authorities can concentrate its control efforts on 5% of all the enterprises, assuming the rest will
comply voluntary. |
|
Effective collection & control systems |
Collection rates are quite high (estimated to more than
80%, and much higher in most cases). Difficult to evade. |
|
Co-operation between the Ministry of Taxation and the
Ministry of Environment and Energy |
Makes it possible to let the taxation authorities be in
charge of the implementation of environmental taxes, even though this is a relatively new
task for tax authorities. |
The Ministry of Environment and Energy may influence the
Ministry of Taxation, and other ministries, with green thinking. |
The taxes are designed simple and with a an emphasis on
administrative feasibility |
Keep the administrative costs at a low level. Should not
exceed more than 5% of total revenue. |
The tax base must be rigid. In some cases the tax will
not reflect the environmental impact with a high precession. |
Comprehensive environmental tax laws |
Increases the likelihood that the laws will be
implemented consistently and in accordance with the intention. |
|
Standardisation of environmental tax laws |
Makes it possible for the taxation authorities to build
up routines in the implementation. |
Secure transparency |
Notes:
Important sources of information for this chapter are: interviews with
representatives of the Ministry of Taxation, the Ministry of Environment and Energy, and the regional
Customs and Excise Departments, together with Kommunernes Landsforening; Environmental
Administration in Denmark, 1995, Ministry of Environment and Energy.
All these evaluations have constituted important sources of
information for this report.
This description only concerns the relation between the municipality
and the users it services. It does not consider the functioning of the system at the utilities
actually providing the service, i.e. the sewage plant, the waste plant and the water works.
Background
This chapter presents a thorough analysis of the use of economic instruments for
environmental protection in the Danish energy sector. The analysis aims to investigate the use of
economic instruments in a sectoral context, rather than at the level of individual economic
instruments. In this sense, it complements the reviews of individual instruments presented in the
previous chapters.
Energy is used in all sectors of the economy, it is used for a number of different
purposes and it comes in various partly substitutable forms. These complexities call for a sectoral
approach when looking at the use of economic instruments for reducing environmental impact from energy
production and consumption. For example, the use of economic instruments can not properly be assessed
without looking at the use of other regulatory measures, or without looking at the consistency of
environmental regulation across uses and energy forms.
Focus of the case study
The chapter focuses primarily on the following:
| The provision of a general overview of the types of economic instruments that are used in the Danish
energy sector and of the structure of financial incentives created by these instruments. |
| The investigation of the extent to which economic instruments have been used in the energy sector
vis-à-vis other forms for environmental regulation, i.e. mainly administrative regulations. |
| A discussion of key administrative issues in relation to the way economic instruments has been used in
the Danish energy sector. |
Delimitation:
The chapter considers only stationary sources of air pollution caused by energy use,
i.e. the transport sector is not considered in this chapter.
The discussion of environmental problems in the energy sector will be limited to air
emissions of CO2, SO2, and NOx,
because it is mainly in connection with these emissions that economic instruments have been used or
contemplated.
Outline
The chapter is organised as follows:
Section 11.2 contains a short description of the relevant environmental issues. The
chapter discusses, among other things, the main environmental problem, and the technical options for
addressing the problems.
Section 11.3 provides an introduction to the Danish energy sector. It presents key
figures for production and consumption of energy as well as the overall structure and organisation of
the various subsectors.
Section 11.4 provides the policy framework within which economic instruments are used,
by means of presenting the main orientations of Danish energy policy.
In section 11.5 and 11.6, the various economic instrument (i.e. environmental taxes,
charges and subsidies) that are used in the energy sector are reviewed. Further, their purpose and
function is discussed, and the fiscal impact of the instruments is summarised.
A reduction of harmful emissions from the energy sector can principally be brought
about in three distinct ways: 1) reduction of the energy consumption; 2) switching to cleaner fuels;
or 3) installation of various abatement techniques. Section 11.7 provides an overview of how
environmental taxes, charges, and subsidies and other forms of regulations have been
used to pursue these aims.
In section 11.8, key administrative issues of relevance to environmental taxes and
charges in the energy sector are discussed.
This section provides a brief overview of the main environmental issues related to CO2,
SO2 and NOx emissions form the energy sector. The
nature of the environmental problems, the options for reducing the problems, and the core features of
the relevant sectors or actors are important factors that influence the proper design of regulatory
instruments.
Emissions of carbon dioxide
Fossil fuels contain carbon. When these fuels are combusted, CO2
is the inevitable end-product. CO2 is the most important contributor to the
greenhouse effect, which is generally believed to cause global warming and climate changes.
The content of carbon per energy unit varies for various fossil fuels and the
emissions of CO2 per unit of energy produced will thus also vary. Coal is
among the fuels with the highest relative CO2 emissions, and natural gas is
the fossil fuel with the lowest. Fuels such as straw and wood chips also contain carbon and will
therefore emit CO2 when combusted. However, in these cases, a similar amount
of CO2 was retained during the growth of these energy sources. Therefore,
they are normally considered to be CO2 neutral, i.e. zero net emission. The
table below shows the emissions of CO2 per GJ energy for selected fuels.
Table 11.1
Emissions of CO2 per GJ for selected fuels
Coal |
95 kg CO2/GJ |
Fuel oil |
78 kg CO2/GJ |
Gas oil |
74 kg CO2/GJ |
Natural Gas |
57 kg CO2/GJ |
Straw (net emission) |
0 kg CO2/GJ |
There are no economically feasible ways to remove or reduce the CO2
emissions for a given fuel, therefore, the only options for reducing emissions is either a general
reduction in the energy consumption, or a replacement of fuels with relatively high emissions with
fuels with lower emissions. This could, for example, be the replacement of coal and oil with natural
gas and renewable forms of energy.
In 1997, total Danish energy related emissions of CO2
amounted to 63 million tons or about 12.5 tons per capita. This places Denmark well above the EU
average of around 9 tons per capita. Electricity production, which predominantly is based on coal, is
the largest source of CO2 emission in Denmark, accounting for 46% of the
total energy related emissions in 1997; the transport sector represented 22%; and the industrial
sector 13%[1].
Emissions of sulphur dioxide
Certain fuels, mainly crude oil and coal, contain sulphur, which when combusted, will
be converted into SO2. The sulphur content of coal and crude oil can exhibit
great variation depending on the origin of the fuel.
When SO2 that is emitted into the air reacts with water,
sulphuric acid is created. This acid contributes to the regional acidification of soil, lakes and
water courses, and may cause damage to forests.
Compared to CO2, there is a wider range of options for
reducing the SO2 emissions. In addition to the option to reduce the
consumption of fuels that contain sulphur and switch to fuels with lower sulphur content, large parts
of the SO2 can also be either removed from the flue-gas, or be retained in
the ash in certain combustion techniques. The residues might come in the form of useful end products,
such as gypsum or sulphuric acid. The installation of flue-gas cleaning equipment is, however, only
economically feasible in large combustion plants. In the case of certain industrial processes, some of
the sulphur is retained in the end-product, whereby it is not emitted to the atmosphere.
The sulphur content of the refined oil products is mainly determined by the sulphur
content of the crude oil and of the applied refinery technology. Through cracking of the carbon chains
in the crude oil, the sulphur can be concentrated in the heavy residues, and thus there will be less
sulphur in the lighter oil products.
By far the largest source of SO2 emissions in Denmark is the
burning of coal in the power sector. In 1995, the power plants represented two thirds of the total
emissions.
Nitrogen oxides
During the combustion of fuels, NOx can be formed by nitrogen in the fuels or nitrogen
from the air reacting with oxygen. The formation of NOx is mainly determined
by the combustion temperatures and the design of the combustion chamber.
Emissions of NOx contribute, like SO2,
to acidification. It results also in depositions of nitrogen. This has a negative impact in nitrogen
poor environments where it may disturb the ecological balance.
As with SO2, NOx can be removed
from the flue-gas. It is, however, only economically feasible in connection with combustion plants
above a certain size. Furthermore, NOx emissions can be influenced through
the operation of the combustion unit and through the installation of low-NOx
burners.
NOx emissions originate from many sources. The main sectors
responsible for the emissions are the transport sector, accounting for around 40%, and the power
sector that contributes 30%.
This section provides a brief overview of the Danish energy sector. It describes the
development and composition of energy supply and demand, and the organisation and structure of the
various subsectors
The total Danish primary energy consumption has remained fairly constant over the last
decades; in 1997 it amounted to 837 PJ (20 million tons of oil equivalents), compared to 825 GJ in
1972, which was the year before the first oil crisis. During the 1990s the total energy consumption
has increased by only 0.3% p.a.
Although total energy consumption has remained fairly constant, the share of various
primary energy sources has changed markedly. Denmark has gone from being nearly totally dependent on
imported oil, which accounted for 92% of the energy supply in 1972, to the present situation with a
diversified energy supply based on oil (45%), coal (26%), natural gas (20%), and renewables (9%).
Nuclear energy is not an option in Denmark according to a decision of the parliament in 1985.
Over the past decades, Denmark has developed a substantial production of oil, natural
gas, and renewable energy sources. In 1997, Danish energy production exceeded for the first time in
recent times the total consumption. Production of oil amounted to 11.4 mtoe, gas production to 7 mtoe,
and renewables accounted for 1.8 mtoe. Oil and gas is produced offshore in the Danish part of the
North Sea. Renewables comprise mainly of waste, straw, wood, and wind. Solar heating only make up
0.4%.
Denmark is a net exporter of natural gas and oil, whereas all its requirements for
coal are covered through imports. Electricity is traded extensively (both imports and exports),
primarily with Norway and Sweden. Both countries have large shares of hydro electricity, whereas the
Danish system is nearly totally based on fossil fuels. Trade flows are therefore very much influenced
by the amount of precipitation, and large fluctuations can be observed from one year to the other.
The Danish energy sector consists of several subsectors that exhibit quite different
features with regard to market structure and organisation. These range from a fairly competitive oil
market, to a centralised monopoly structure of the natural gas market.
Electricity
The Danish electricity sector is divided into two independent areas, each of which is
organised into regional associations that are responsible for overall power planning, load
dispatching, and operation of their respective transmission nets. There is no direct cable connection
between the two systems that cover the eastern and the western part of the country, respectively.
Eight regional power production companies provide around 75% of the total production.
The remaining 25% of the electricity is produced mainly by small-scale combined heat and power plants
(CHP) and windmills, which accounted for 5% in 1997.
There are, in total, around 100 distribution companies in Denmark. Each of those has a
local supply monopoly in the specific area that they cover. The distribution companies are
predominantly owned by the municipalities or consumers co-operatives. The distribution companies own
the regional power companies, and they, in turn, own the two above-mentioned regional associations.
In January 1998, the electricity market was opened for competition. Industry with an
annual consumption exceeding 100 GWh and distribution companies with annual sales in excess of 100
GWh, may now purchase electricity from foreign or Danish producers. The market opening is relevant to
7 industrial enterprises representing 5% of the total consumption, and to 50% of the distribution
companies representing 90% of the total sales.
Electricity production is mainly based on coal, which accounted for 61% of the total
fuel consumption for electricity production and CHP in 1997. Natural gas accounted for 15%, oil for
12%, and renewables and others for 12%. The share of natural gas will increase markedly in the future
as a result of the phase-in of additional large and small-scale gas fired CHP plants.
Electricity prices are regulated. They should be set to reflect the actual costs of
production and distribution. This includes a reasonable surplus to finance capital expenditure.
Electricity prices must be approved by the Electricity Price Commission each year.
In March 1999, a majority in Parliament agreed upon a major restructuring of the power
sector. This agreement involves a further opening of the electricity market for competition, and by
the year 2002, all consumers will be allowed to freely choose their supplier of electricity. The
agreement also introduces some new mechanisms for environmental protection. A market for green
electricity will be created, and by the year 2003, all consumers must obtain at least 20% of
their electricity production through green electricity. Another new mechanism is that the
large power producers will be subject to quotas for CO2 emissions, and a
payment to the state will be applied when realised emissions are in excess of the quota.
District heating
The development of combined heat and power production has been one of the most
important policy objectives in Danish energy policy. Extensive district heating networks were
established in the largest eight cities mainly during the 70s and 80s in order to utilise the surplus
heat from the large power plants.
During the same period, district heating networks were also established in a large
number of small and medium sized cities. During the 1990s, the district heating plants that supply
these networks were converted to decentralised CHP. This development has been promoted through various
support schemes such as subsidies for investments and to electricity production.
Today, there are about 400 heat distribution companies. Many of those cover both
production and distribution while others buy the heat from CHP plants that are owned by the power
companies. The heat distribution companies are either owned by municipalities or organised as consumer
co-operatives.
Prices for heat are regulated to follow costs. Each year, they must be approved by the
Heat and Gas Price Commission. Due to the cost based pricing and to the fact that heat networks are
not connected, a wide disparity is found when comparing prices of district heating across the country.
Natural gas
Total remaining Danish reserves of natural gas are estimated at 157 billion Nm3,
with a present rate of production of 6.6 billion Nm3 per year (1998 figure).
This corresponds to 24 years of production. Gas production takes place offshore in the Danish North
Sea by Mærsk Olie og Gas AS, which operates on behalf of the partners, Shell and Texaco, in DUC
(Danish Underground Consortium). DUC sells all the gas to the state-owned company DANGAS, who has a
monopoly over transport, storage, and trading of natural gas in Denmark.
DANGAS sells the gas to five regional distribution[2]
companies owned by the municipalities in their respective area of supply. DANGAS also sells gas to the
large power plants, and exports to Sweden and Germany. In June 1999, an agreement on a restructuring
of the gas sector was concluded between the state and two of the distribution companies. The agreement
concerned the future structure of the sector, and will, among other things, place the responsibility
with DANGAS for the supply of gas to the consumers that will be included in the opening of the gas
market.
Of the total gas production in 1997, 42% was exported to Germany and Sweden, 22% was
used for heat and power production, 18% went to industry and service, and 10% was used for heating in
households. The remaining 8% was stored[3].
The type of end-user largely determines the gas prices in Denmark, because gas prices
are set in view of the price of the competing oil product, including possible energy taxes. End-user
prices for the various market segments are laid down in the agreement between DANGAS (the supplier)
and the distribution companies, to ensure homogenous pricing all over the country. Gas prices must be
approved by the Heat and Gas Price Commission, they may neither exceed the cost of supply, which
includes a reasonable return on investments, nor the end-user price for gas oil including taxes.
Oil
Remaining oil reserves in Denmark are estimated to be nearly 200 million tons or
around 17 years of production at the current rate of production. Licenses for exploration and
production are granted to private companies, but up to now DUC has been the sole producer. In 1997,
the oil production exceeded the Danish consumption of oil products by 25%.
There are two refineries in Denmark; one is supplied with oil through a pipeline from
the Danish fields, and the other is supplied by tankers.
Refining and marketing of oil products are competitive activities and no price
regulations apply to these sectors. Prices are typically closely related to the Rotterdam quotations
for oil products.
More than 50% of the oil consumption in Denmark is used for transport purposes;
refining and power plants consume 19%, industry & service 18%, and heating in households accounts
for 12%.
This section provides an overview of the main orientations in Danish energy policy,
and the main environmental targets and priorities that have been set with regard to the energy sector.
The first Danish energy policy was formulated in 1976 in the wake of the first oil
crisis in 1973. Later, comprehensive policies were formulated in 1981 in response to the second oil
crisis in 1979-80, and again in 1990 and 1996. The orientations of Danish energy policy have changed
from originally being mainly concerned with the security of supply issues and the desire to reduce
dependency on imported oil, towards being more oriented towards sustainability issues, especially
reductions of CO2 emissions.
1970s and 1980s
The first two energy policy documents were Danish Energy Policy (1976) and Energy
Plan 81 (1981). Their contents were mainly a reaction to the oil crises, and they focused on the
reduction of import dependency through replacing oil, the reduction of energy consumption, and the
promotion of Denmarks own production of oil and gas.
Key orientations of these policies were directed towards the establishment and further
development of large infrastructure projects district heating networks and the natural gas
project which would facilitate a switch from the use of oil in individual households and
enterprises. District heating networks were established in the major cities utilising the surplus heat
from the large coal-fired power plants, and a nation-wide natural gas supply system was created, which
used the natural gas that had been discovered in the Danish part of the North Sea. The implementation
of these projects was, to a large extent, a centrally planned process, where the geographical areas to
be supplied by district heating and natural gas were laid down by the central energy authorities. The
municipalities elaborated detailed heat plans within this overall framework.
1990s
The document Energy 2000 was published in 1990. It introduced the concept of
sustainability into Danish energy policy. The key objective of this plan was to reduce emissions of CO2.
This should be attained mainly through a number of initiatives that concerned energy conservation and
efficiency, further conversion of the supply system, and more focus on renewable sources of energy.
Contributions to energy savings should come from, for example, standards for the
insulation of new buildings, and for energy consumption by household appliances.
To further expand the co-production of heat and power, and as the central power plants
had been converted to CHP production, the energy plan aimed at establishing decentralised CHP plants
supplying heat to district heating networks which already existed in many small and medium sizes
cities.
The plan also aimed to further expand the use of natural gas and of indigenous fuels
such as straw and waste. This was, among other things, accomplished through mandatory fuel use in the
above-mentioned decentralised CHP plants and through various subsidies.
The latest energy policy document, Energy 21, is a response to the need for
Denmark to strengthen its efforts to achieve its goals of CO2 reduction in
the light of the fact that energy demand had increased more than was foreseen in Energy 2000. The plan
was adopted in 1996 and it has the goal of contributing to Denmark by maintaining and developing
its pioneering role in the achievement of sustainable global development. Key objectives of
Energy 21 include developing renewable energy, improving energy efficiency, and adapting the energy
sector to more open market conditions.
Through various energy policies and international agreements, Denmark has adopted
specific goals relating to the environmental performance of the energy sector, including goals of
reducing emissions of CO2, SO2, and NOx.
For CO2, the latest energy policy document, Energy 21,
confirms the national objectives to stabilise emissions by year 2000 at the 1990 level, and to reach a
level by year 2005, where emissions are 20% lower than those that were observed in 1988.
In the Kyoto Agreement of 1997, the EU countries agreed to reduce their emissions of
greenhouse gasses to 92% of the 1990-level for the period of 2008-2012. Subsequently, the EU has
agreed on a burden sharing between member states. The agreement determines how the reduction targets
are to be distributed between member states. According to this, Denmark must reduce its emissions of
greenhouse gasses by 21%, instead of the 8% agreed in Kyoto.
Denmark has also entered international agreements on the reduction of SO2
and NOx emissions under the auspices of UN-ECE Convention on Long Range
Transboundary Air Pollution. According to these agreements, Denmark is obligated to have reduced SO2
emissions by 80% of the 1980 level in year 2000, and NOx emissions by 30% of
the 1986 level in year 1998.
The economic instruments applied in the energy sector comprise of various forms of
taxes and subsidies. This section will review the taxes and charges (hereafter taxes), whereas the
next section reviews the various subsidy schemes.
The relevant taxes in the energy sector are: the general energy tax and the CO2
and SO2 taxes on emissions.
Introduction of taxes on oil
The first energy taxes were introduced in 1977. They applied to oil products and
electricity, and were implemented mainly as a response to the oil crisis of 1973. Thus, the taxes
aimed to promote energy savings and substitution away from oil by means of increasing the consumer
price of oil products.
To avoid a negative impact on the competitiveness of Danish companies, all
VAT-registered enterprises were fully exempted of the energy taxes a principle which has been
maintained until recently.
In 1986, the energy taxes on oil products were raised significantly in the wake of the
oil price collapse in the same year, where crude oil prices fell from a level of 28 USD/barrel to an
average price 14 USD/barrel. The tax increase generated additional revenue, but another important
purpose was also to maintain a stable (high) price of oil products for the non-industrial sector. This
was motivated in a desire to maintain stable and strong economic incentives to save energy, and to
support the large and capital-intensive energy infrastructure projects (the natural gas project and
district heating networks). The latter had namely been implemented under the assumption of high oil
prices. To secure the financial viability of these infrastructure projects it was necessary that the
alternative costs of energy supply (oil) were kept at a high level.
Coal
Energy taxes were introduced on coal in 1982. They were initially set at a lower level
than for oil products in order to continue to support the efforts to reduce Danish dependency on oil
as a source of energy. In the beginning of the 1990s, when Danish energy policy began focusing
strongly on the reduction of CO2 emissions, the energy taxes on coal were
raised to levels similar to those that apply to oil.
Natural gas
Natural gas was introduced in Denmark in 1984. Until 1996, taxes were not levied on
natural gas. However, natural gas was sold to end-users at prices equivalent to the consumer price
(inclusive taxes) of competing fuels. Thus, natural gas was sold to households at a price equal to the
price of gas oil inclusive taxes. In the case of industry, it was sold at a price equal to the
price of fuel oil exclusive taxes (as industry paid no energy tax). The effect of this was that
the gas companies received a de-facto subsidy as they were exempted from the tax, but were allowed to
charge prices equivalent to those of competing products including the taxes. In other words, the gas
companies could collect a shadow tax on the gas. This subsidy or shadow tax was allocated to the gas
companies to enable them to finance the large capital expenditure that had been necessary for the
rapid and extensive expansion of the natural gas network.
In 1997, an energy tax was introduced for natural gas. It was equal to about 75% of
the energy tax on oil products. It is the intention to increase the tax to 100% before the year 2009.
The tax in itself will lead to a large reduction in the subsidies that are allocated to the gas
sector. To counterbalance this, various transitional measures have been introduced to ensure the
financial viability of the gas companies.
The tax on natural gas was introduced mainly for two reasons: 1) to reduce the future
subsidy given to the gas companies; and 2) to prepare the sector for an opening of the Danish gas
markets. The exemption of tax on natural gas constitutes, as mentioned earlier, a de-facto subsidy to
the sector. If foreign gas companies are allowed to sell gas in Denmark, they will consequently also
receive this subsidy, unless a tax is introduced, which ultimately eliminates the subsidy.
CO2 taxes
CO2 taxes were introduced in 1992 for households and in 1993
for industry. Initially, the levels of the CO2 taxes were rather low
compared to the energy taxes. However, for industry, it was the first tax that was levied on its use
of energy. For households, the energy tax on oil products was reduced accordingly, so that the CO2
tax did not imply a net tax increase. The effect was merely that a part of the total tax was being
levied according to the carbon content. To limit negative effects on the competitiveness of Danish
industry, reimbursement schemes were put into effect for energy intensive industries.
In 1995, the CO2 tax applying to industry was revised.
Further, industrial consumption of energy for space heating became subject to energy taxes.
The introduction of the CO2 tax in 1992/93 and the
subsequent revisions in 1995 were, in both cases, components of more comprehensive tax reforms that
aimed to increase taxation on resource use and pollution, and to reduce income taxes and other
distortionary taxes.
SO2 taxes
A SO2 tax was introduced in 1996. It is to be phased in
gradually until it reaches its full level in year 2000. For certain specified energy intensive
industries the tax will only take its full effect after a fairly long transitional period. The
motivation for this, regard concerns over the competitiveness of Danish industry.
The energy taxes have undergone substantial changes since their first introduction in
1977. This applies both to their structure and their levels. The latest changes are not fully
implemented yet. The overall energy tax structure is fairly complicated, because there are a number of
taxes, and they differ according to the various types of fuels. Furthermore, the tax rates do not
apply similarly for all sectors. Here, the basic tax rates are reviewed first, followed by a
description of how the tax rates apply in the various sectors. The key structure of the tax rates can
be presented as follows:
| In 1999, the energy taxes on most fossil fuels are around 45 to 48 DKK/GJ. The energy tax on natural
gas is only 37 DKK/GJ. However, the difference up to the oil tax level is collected by the gas companies
as a shadow tax. Fuels for electricity production are not subject to energy taxes, but to an
output tax, which is 134 DKK/GJ[4]. |
| The energy tax only applies to fossil fuels. This implies that there is no tax on straw and other
forms of renewable energy, although it should be noted that waste used for energy purposes is taxed. For
district heating, the tax corresponds to DKK 25/GJ, and for CHP production it amounts to DKK 20/GJ. Heat
production based on waste is currently taxed with an equivalent of DKK 5/GJ. This tax will gradually
increase to reach a level of DKK 13/GJ by year 2002. |
| The CO2 tax is equivalent to approximately 100 DKK per ton of CO2,
and is principally an emission tax. However, there are no feasible ways to reduce the emissions of CO2
for a given type of fuel, because emissions are only determined by the content of carbon in the fuel.
Therefore, the CO2 tax has been levied on the fuel instead of the actual
emissions. The tax corresponds to a level of between DKK 6/GJ and 28/GJ where the lowest value applies to
refined gas and the highest value applies to electricity. All other uses are at a level of DKK 10/GJ or
lower. |
| The sulphur tax is equivalent to 20 DKK per kg sulphur in the fuel or 10 DKK per kg SO2
emitted (which implies the same price per kg S). By the year 2000, the sulphur tax will amount to 0-9
DKK/GJ. The exact value will depend on the sulphur content of the fuel in question. The highest value will
apply to brown coal, whereas the tax will be zero for fuels that contain little or no sulphur such as
natural gas. Similar to the CO2 tax, the sulphur tax is principally an emissions
tax. The level of emission of SO2 is normally determined by the quantity of
sulphur in the fuel, and consequently the tax has been set based on the content of sulphur in the fuel.
Contrary to CO2 however, SO2 can be removed from the
flue gas or be absorbed in certain industrial processes. Therefore, the law provides those that are liable
to the tax with the possibility to choose between two options for being levied the tax. One is to be
levied with a tax based on the sulphur content of the fuel, and the other is to be levied with a tax based
on the actual emissions. The latter option requires the installation of equipment to measure actual
emissions. For all practical purposes, it will only be relevant in few cases. |
The total taxation of fossil fuels is at a level of around 55-63 DKK/GJ (natural gas
only 43 DKK/GJ). Differences are due to variations of the various fuels with regard to CO2
emissions and sulphur content. The SO2 tax applies to renewable energy
sources, whereas neither the energy tax nor CO2 taxes apply. Renewables,
such as straw and wood chips, contain sulphur. The energy and environmental taxes are summarised in
Table 11.2.
Table 11.2
Current rates for energy and environmental taxes and rates for year 2009.
DKK/GJ |
Energy tax |
CO2 tax |
SO2 tax |
Total |
Year |
1999 |
2009 |
1999-
onwards |
1999 |
2000-
onwards |
1999 |
2009 |
Fuel oil |
47 |
50 |
8 |
4 |
5 |
59 |
63 |
Gas oil |
47 |
50 |
7 |
1 |
1 |
55 |
58 |
Natural gas |
37 *) |
51 |
6 |
0 |
0 |
43 |
57 |
Coal |
45 |
51 |
10 |
6-8 |
6-9 |
61-63 |
67-70 |
Renewables |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0-2 |
1-2 |
0-2 |
1-2 |
Note: The table does not consider fuels used for transport purposes.
*) Natural gas is priced at a level equal to the price of competing oil products, including applicable
taxes, which implies that the consumer also pays a shadow tax to the gas companies, that
is equal to the difference between the applicable energy taxes levied on oil and natural gas.
The above taxes are differentiated among various types of users. In some cases,
differentiatiated taxes may also apply according to the purpose of the energy use. Thus,
VAT-registered enterprises pay the full tax, but a part of the paid taxes are refunded afterwards. The
administrative aspects of such refunds are elaborated in the section 11.7. The below only considers
the net payment.
The basic rules for the net payment of the above taxes are as follows:
| All users that are not VAT registered, i.e. mainly households and the public sector, pay the full
taxes (energy and environmental taxes). On top of that they pay VAT of 25%. |
| For VAT-registered enterprises, various schemes for tax reductions apply. First, a distinction is made
between energy that is used for space heating and energy that is used for process purposes. For the
process purposes, a further distinction is made between light and heavy process industries:
| The energy tax is applied fully on energy for space heating while process energy is exempted of energy tax
|
| The sulphur tax applies to all energy consumption, but for certain specified energy intensive industries
the tax will only take its full effect after a fairly long transition period. |
| The CO2 tax applies fully for space heating. For light and heavy processes, the
level corresponds to 90% and 25% respectively of the full tax. If the enterprise enters an agreement to
implement energy saving measures, the applicable rates can be lowered to 68% and 3% respectively. These CO2
rates are phased in over the period up to the year 2000. |
|
| Energy used for electricity production is not liable to the taxes, but the output i.e. electricity, is
subject to the energy tax, the CO2 tax and the SO2
tax. The levels for electricity are set so that they correspond to the case where the electricity was
produced in a typical coal-fired power plant. Households that use electric heating as the main source of
heat, however, pay an electricity tax that is around 13% lower than the ordinary tax on electricity. |
| Energy used for production of heat in district heating plants or in CHP plants is fully taxed. In
combined heat and power production, various principles are used to determine how much of the energy
consumption should be allocated to the heat production, and thus be liable to the tax. The outcome of this
may significantly influence the effective tax level for district heating. |
The composition of the end-user price is illustrated below for selected examples of
fuels and purposes.
Figure 11.1
Examples of end-user price inclusive taxes for households and industry
In the figure, the SO2 tax level assumes that the fuel oil
contains 0.5% sulphur at the time when the tax is fully phased in. The figure demonstrates that there
are large variations in the level of energy taxes when one considers the end user level. For
households, taxes and VAT constitute 60% of the final price. For industry, the realised tax level is
strongly dependent on the specific purpose of the use of energy. For the heavy processes, the figure
assumes that the company has entered into an agreement on energy savings. In this way, the CO2
tax is reduced to 3% of the full value, whereby, the tax payment will almost only consist of the SO2
tax.
Taxes on energy and emissions provide an important source of revenue. This applies in
particular to the energy tax. The figure below shows the development in the revenue from energy and
environmental taxes over the last decade (the figure does not consider taxes on motor fuels).
The largest revenue contribution comes from oil and electricity. Coal is mainly used
in the electricity and industrial sector and is therefore largely exempted of tax. Similarly, natural
gas only provides a tiny share of the state revenue. This is, because the tax on natural
gas is allocated mainly to the gas companies as a shadow tax.
The CO2 tax, which was introduced in 1992, contributed 23%
of the total tax revenue from the energy sector in 1998. Part of the revenue from the CO2
tax is, however, recycled to the industry.
Figure 11.2
Revenue from energy and environmental taxes in the energy sector 1988 1998
The structure and levels of the energy taxes and the environmental taxes in the energy
sector presents a compromise between various goals and considerations that are, in some cases,
conflicting. The taxes have been designed to contribute to the achievement of certain environmental
goals, but other concerns have had an influence as well. Thus, fiscal aspects (generating revenue),
distribution effects, the need to reduce the negative consequences for the competitiveness of the
Danish industry, and the risk of relocation of heavy energy users to countries without CO2
taxes (carbon leakage), are all factors that have influenced the level and design of the taxes. This
section will identify and assess the resulting incentives provided by the tax system to improve the
environmental performance of the energy sector.
Residential sector
Energy taxes on fossil fuels are high for the residential sector, and for energy used
for space heating in industry, and it is relatively high compared to European standards. By its mere
size, it provides a significant incentive to general energy savings. The CO2
tax is levied on the fossil fuels in the same way as the energy tax, and thus provides a further
incentive for energy savings.
The CO2 tax provides some incentive to switch to fuels that
emit lower levels of CO2, such as natural gas. For households and other
energy users that are subject to the full energy tax, the difference in the CO2
tax level between the various fossil fuels is, however, a very small fraction of the full price. A
shift from, for example, gas oil to natural gas would only lead to a reduction in the price per energy
unit of around 2% for households.
Renewables
Renewable forms of energy emit no CO2, and therefore, they
do not become subject to a CO2 tax. This provides an incentive to replace
fossil fuels by renewables. Furthermore, renewables are also exempted from the general energy tax.
This exemption provides a much higher subsidy to the utilisation of renewable forms of energy,
particularly in the sectors that have to pay the full energy tax. The high costs of utilising
renewable forms of energy are, however, still a barrier for its wider adoption.
Industry
The industrial energy consumption has for many years been totally exempt of taxes. In
1993, CO2 taxes were introduced, and the general energy taxes now also apply
to energy used in the industrial sector for space heating. Various schemes to reduce the CO2
tax for process industry apply, and the largest reduction schemes are applied for energy intensive
industries. The level of taxes for the heaviest users of energy is fairly low, and thus provides a
smaller incentive to save energy in the sectors where the opportunities probably are the greatest.
Still, the total tax payment may be significant for the individual firm, and thus it may provide a
significant incentive for behavioural changes in individual cases in spite of the large reductions. It
should be noted that in this regard, a country such as Denmark with an open economy cannot
unilaterally raise the taxes on energy for industrial uses without the risk of relocation of
enterprises and losses in competitiveness. The effect of the taxes cannot be seen independently of the
accompanying measures to promote energy savings in industry.
The high energy taxes, which apply to energy used for space heating purposes, do not
affect the marginal cost of production, and should, therefore, have a smaller impact on the
competitiveness of the industry. However, they do provide an incentive to save on these energy uses in
industry.
Electricity generation
All fuels used for electricity generation are exempted of energy and environmental
taxes. Instead, the taxes are levied on the electricity. Levied in this way, the taxes provide no
incentives for a more efficient electricity production, for example, by promoting CHP production, or a
switch to cleaner fuels. Rather, it has been sought to pursue these aims through the use of subsidy
schemes. The taxes only give the end user an incentive to reduce the consumption of electricity. Taxes
are not levied on the fuel, as it would increase the production costs of electricity in Denmark, and
thereby also increase import and export prices, which would be harmful to the competitiveness of the
Danish power companies and the end-consumers.
The SO2 taxes makes up a very small part of the total taxes
and exemption schemes exist for heavy industry, again out of competitiveness considerations. However,
the tax has improved the competitiveness of natural gas vis-à-vis fuel oil and coal. Furthermore, by
decreasing the relative price of low sulphur grades of fuel oil and coal, the tax has provided an
incentive for energy suppliers to bring such low sulphur products on the market.
Subsidies are and have been used extensively in the Danish energy sector
to promote policy goals. The first subsidy scheme was introduced in 1977 where energy savings in the
residential sector were promoted through partly financing (subsidising) the costs of insulation of
houses. The overall aim of the subsidies have, in line with changing goals of the energy policy,
shifted from focusing on reducing the dependency on imported oil, to now mainly focusing on reducing
CO2 emissions. Various subsidy schemes in the energy sector have also
supported other goals such as employment, for example, by supporting installations and energy savings
measures that had to be installed by professional craftsmen.
At present, there are more than 10 different subsidy schemes in force in Denmark. The
aim here is not to review all these various subsidy schemes, but to outline the main types of
activities that have been subsidised and the ways in which such subsidies have been given. The
subsidies in the Danish energy sector can be grouped in three main categories according to their aim:
| subsidies to promote CHP; |
| subsidies to promote utilisation of renewable energy sources; and |
| subsidies to promote energy savings/reduced CO2 emissions. |
The presentation of the subsidies below will not follow the individual subsidy
schemes, but focus on the activities for which subsidies are given.
One of the cornerstones in Danish energy policy has been to increase the combined heat
and power production. The combination of heat and power production provides higher overall energy
efficiency, and thus energy consumption and CO2 emissions can be reduced.
During the 1990s, a number of subsidies have been introduced to improve the financial
position of combined heat and power production vis-á-vis other forms of energy. The combined heat and
power production is promoted in various ways. Some of the subsidy schemes are fairly general, such as
the subsidy to electricity production and industrial CHP, whereas other schemes are trying to target
specific aims such as marginal expansions of networks or connection of specific types of customers.
Subsidy to electricity production
The largest of the subsidy schemes is the payments to electricity produced from
decentralised CHP plants, based on renewable forms of energy or natural gas. For each kWh electricity
produced, the CHP plant received a payment equal to the CO2 tax on
electricity, i.e. 0.1 DKK/kWh. In 1996 this payment was, however, reduced for natural gas fired CHP
plants and for industrial CHP plants to 0.07 DKK/kWh, as the former level was considered to be too
generous. Furthermore, electricity from CHP based on renewable forms of energy receives an additional
payment of 0.17 DKK/kWh.
This subsidy applies to all CHP plants except for the CHP production at the large
power plants. The subsidy in not limited in time, except for industrial plants where the subsidy is
only paid for a period of six years.
The rationale for the subsidy is that fuels used for electricity production is
exempted CO2 tax, as it is levied on the electricity. As the CO2
tax levied on electricity is determined based on the emissions from electricity produced from coal,
the subsidy of 0.1 DKK/kWh can be said to constitute a refund of the CO2 tax
levied on electricity.
Industrial CHP
To further increase the co-production of heat and power, the establishment of
industrial CHP plants have been a policy objective. This has been promoted through the above-mentioned
subsidy to electricity production and through additional subsidies to investments in industrial
CHP-plants. Within the scheme for repayment of the CO2 tax to industry,
investments in industrial CHP plants can receive a subsidy of 40% of the total capital expenditure.
Subsidy to conversion of district heating plants
In 1990, it was decided to convert the majority of the district heating plants in
Denmark to CHP. To facilitate this conversion and to promote bio-fuels, subsidies were offered to the
conversion of a number of identified district heating plants based on coal, and to the establishment
of CHP plants based on bio-fuels.
The subsidies to the conversion of the coal fired district heating plants had an
element of compensation. It was politically mandated that the plants, some of which were rather new,
had to convert to CHP plants based on the natural gas or bio-fuels, depending on whether they were
located in the natural gas supply area or not.
Subsidies to extension of district heating networks
Subsidies are given to the extension of networks for distribution of heat, so that the
use of district heating based on CHP can be extended. One important criterion for giving these
subsidies is, whether the subsidies result in an acceleration in time of planned expansions.
Subsidies to promote the utilisation of renewable energy are among the earliest
subsidy schemes. Today, subsidies to renewable energy come in two forms:
| subsidies for investments, installation, and development of renewable energy solutions. This type of
subsidy is given to households, industries, and institutions. The main receivers are solar heating, and
biomass solutions. The subsidy scheme has been in force since 1981 but has been regularly adjusted to
reflect the technological development and the economic conditions for various forms of renewable energy;
and |
| electricity produced by renewable sources of energy receives a subsidy of 0.27 DKK/kWh. This concerns
electricity production from CHP plants, based on, for example, straw and refuse, which is mentioned in the
above section, as well as electricity from private windmills. Windmills installed by the power companies
are not entitled to the subsidy. |
The last major group of subsides are schemes to promote general energy savings or
reduction in CO2 emissions. Subsidies are given to promote investments
leading to energy savings. The schemes are mainly directed toward households or industry.
Energy savings in households
Earlier, general subsidies were offered to promote investments resulting in reduced
energy consumption in households, e.g. insulation. Today, most houses are well insulated and
insulation in new houses is regulated through building standards. Subsidies are, however, given to
promote energy savings in pensionists households, as it was discovered that the energy
consumption in these households was relatively high.
Furthermore, various subsidies are given to the conversion of heating systems in
certain types of households. This concerns mainly the conversion of electricity heated houses to
district heating, natural gas, or oil burners, and connection of old houses to district heating
networks. In Denmark there are still quite a number of households that are heated by electricity. Due
to the low overall thermal efficiency of electricity heating compared with other forms of heating, the
conversion of electricity heated households presents an important options for further reducing the CO2
emissions. However, such a conversion involves a substantial initial investments, which has acted as a
barrier in spite of considerable potential savings in the total energy costs.
Energy savings in the industry
In 1993, a CO2 tax was introduced for the industry. As a
part of the repayment of the proceeds from this CO2 tax to the industry,
investments aiming at energy saving can receive a subsidy of 30% of the costs. This concerns the
previously mentioned investments in industrial CHP plants, but subsidies are also available for other
activities including consultancy services, and investments in equipment with high energy efficiency.
Total subsidies to the energy sector amounted to 1.8 billion DKK in 1996, and are set
to increase to around 2.1 billion by the year 2000. The total payments under the subsidy schemes
equalled around 10% of the total revenue from the energy and environmental taxes in 1996.
Subsidies to electricity production from small scale CHP or renewables are, by far,
the largest scheme, and it accounts for around half of the total subsidy payments.
Subsidies have been used extensively to promote policy goals in the Danish energy
sector. There seems to be various reasons for using the subsidy instrument instead of e.g. taxation:
| Some subsidies are given to provide incentives that are absent, because of the way the energy taxes
have been designed. This concerns the refund of the CO2 tax to CHP production
and subsidies to energy savings in the industry. As it is considered damaging to the competitiveness of
the industry if a full CO2 tax is applied on industrial energy consumption,
energy savings are mainly promoted through subsidies. |
| Some subsidies seem to be given as a kind of financial compensation. A number of district heating
plants were instructed to convert to small scale CHP plants. Subsidies were offered to lessen the
financial impact. |
| Some subsidies are given to promote activities which otherwise would not have been undertaken. This
covers, among others, subsidies to renewables, specific savings opportunities, and CHP connections. The
key issue with regard to these subsidies is to ensure that subsidies are only given to activities that
are; 1) socio-economically desirable; and 2) would not be implemented in the absence of subsidies. |
Energy and environmental taxes may not always be enough to achieve the desired goals
(or they would have to be so high that they would have other unwanted effects, e.g. on income
distribution and loss of employment). Taxes can make energy savings or switching to cleaner fuels more
financially attractive, but to realise such financial gains, it is often necessary to undertake
investments, for example, in insulation and/or new burners. Although the investments overall may be
socio-economically advantageous, individual enterprises or households typically have very high
required rates of return. In such cases subsidies for specific types of capital expenditure combined
with appropriate taxes might be the best solution to achieve a certain behavioural change.
Economic instruments are typically used in combination with other forms or regulation
to achieve the desired environmental outcome. The transformation of the Danish energy sector over the
last decades have, to a large extent, been a centrally planned process using a combination of
administrative regulations and targeted economic instruments.
The aim of this section is to investigate how economic instruments have been used in
conjunction with administrative instruments in order to reduce emissions of CO2
, SO2, and NOx. For analytical purposes, the
reduction in emissions can be said to be achieved through three principally different mechanisms, that
are:
| the reduction in primary energy demand. The emission of harmful substances will be reduced through the
general reduction in the energy consumption, and increased energy efficiency; |
| the switching to fuels with less environmental impact. Emissions can be reduced by switching to fuels
with a lower content of carbon or sulphur. This is, for example, the case for the replacement of coal and
oil with natural gas; and |
| abatement technologies. Removal of CO2 is not economically feasible, but
both SO2 and NOx emissions can be reduced through
cleaning or adoption of cleaner technologies. |
The present section will review in which fields economic instruments have played a
role, and discuss possible explanation, for the use/non-use of economic instruments in various
situations. To provide a background, the developments in the environmental performance of the energy
sector will be presented first.
The figure below shows the development in emissions of CO2 ,
SO2, and NOx, compared with the development in
total energy consumption.
Figure 11.3
Energy related emissions and energy consumption, 1986-1996 [5]
Source: Energy statistics 1997, Danish Energy Agency and Statistical ten-year review
1997, Danmarks Statistik.
As can be seen from the figure, CO2, NOx,
and SO2 emissions have decreased over the last decade, in absolute terms as
well as compared to the energy consumption. In spite of GDP growth of around 17% in real terms over
the illustrated 10 years period, energy consumption has remained fairly constant.
The national target for CO2 emissions is to achieve a
reduction of 20% by the year 2005, compared with the emissions in 1988. In 1997, CO2
emissions amounted to 94% of the level in 1988, based on the adjusted emissions. Further reductions
are thus required, which also is reflected in the energy plan, Energy 21, of which the
main aim is to address this deficiency in reduction of CO2 emissions.
The target for SO2 emissions is a 80% decline of the level
in 1980 to be achieved by the year 2000. In 1996, emissions amounted to 41% of the 1980 level. In the
years to come natural gas will increasingly replace coal in the electricity sector, thereby reducing
SO2 emissions. The effects of SO2 tax is not
included in the above figure, as it will only be fully introduced in the year 2000.
The target for NOx emissions is to achieve a reduction by
30% of the 1986 emissions by the year 1998. In 1996, emissions equalled 90% of the level in 1986. The
main source of NOx emissions is the transport sector, which has increased
stronger than anticipated. NOx emissions originating from power production
have successfully been reduced over the last couple of years.
Reductions in the total energy consumption has been a prominent goal of the Danish
energy policy since it inception; in the start, to reduce dependence on imported oil, and later,
primarily to reduce the emissions of CO2.
Since 1973, the energy consumption has remained more or less constant, whereas GDP has
grown with more than 50% in real terms. The implication is, that energy intensity has improved by
around 35%, where energy intensity is measured as energy consumption per unit of GDP. The energy
intensity is, however, not only a result of efforts to reduce energy consumption and increase energy
efficiency, as factors such as the general technological development and structural changes in the
economy, also affects the energy intensity.
Regulatory efforts to reduce energy consumption have mainly aimed to reduce final
consumption in households, industries, and others, and to promote CHP by increasing the efficiency of
energy conversion.
Final energy consumption
The figure below shows the development in final energy consumption for the main
sectors in the economy. As shown, the final energy consumption has decreased in the residential
sector, remains fairly constant in the industry and service sector, and has increased greatly in the
transport sector.
Figure 11.4
Development in final energy demand by main sectors
1980 1988 1997
Source: Energy Statistics 1997, Danish Energy Agency
Savings in energy consumption in the residential sector have come about through a
combination of high energy taxes and subsidies, which have made, e.g. insulation more financially
attractive. Furthermore, norms and standards, e.g. for construction of new houses, have also
contributed to lower final demand.
Due to concerns about the impact on competitiveness, energy and environmental taxes
have only recently been applied in the industrial and service sector, and the full effect of these
will hardly be visible in the statistics yet. Subsidies to investments in energy savings in the
industrial sector were introduced in 1993 in connection with the returning of the CO2
tax to the industry. Direct regulation of industrial fuel use has seldom been used.
Promotion of CHP
By utilising the excess heat from power production in district heating networks, the
overall energy efficiency of the system is increased, and the total energy consumption will be lower.
The CHP production has increased substantially over the last decade. In 1997, district
heating accounted for nearly 40% of the total final energy consumption for heating purposes in the
residential sector[6]. Of the
total district heating production, nearly 80% came from co-production of heat and power in 1997,
compared with a share of only 50% a decade ago. The large increase has mainly been caused by the
earlier conversion of district heating plants to small-scale CHP plants, and by increasing the CHP
production from the large CHP plants.
The promotion of small scale CHP and conversion of a large number of decentralised
district heating plants have been carried out during the 1990s. Large subsidies have been available
for such small scale CHP plants, but the conversion of these district heating plants were politically
mandated and the plants had to convert to CHP according to plans elaborated by the central energy
authorities. Furthermore, if a district heating plant was located in the natural gas area, it should
use natural gas and otherwise domestic fuels, such as straw, waste, and wood chips. The subsidies have
resulted in a faster, more extensive conversion than required by the energy authorities.
Industrial CHP has grown strongly since 1993, where subsidies were introduced.
Subsidies concerned the earlier mentioned 0.1 DKK/kWh and 30% of the capital expenditure. For many
enterprises, such subsidies meant that the payback period was only 2-3 years. By 1997, more than 100
industrial CHP plants had been installed, representing around 300 MW of electric capacity. The
subsidies made these plants very financially attractive, but since the subsidy to electricity
production in industrial CHP was reduced in 1996, the installation of further plants has practically
stopped.
By switching from fuels with a high content of carbon or sulphur to fuels with a lower
content, the emissions of CO2 and SO2,
respectively, will be reduced. Over the last decade, the composition of the Danish energy supply has
changed markedly. The share of coal, which is the fuel that emits most CO2
per GJ, has decreased from 39% in 1988 to 26% in 1997, whereas the shares of natural gas and renewable
energy has increased over the same period from 8% and 6% respectively, to 20% and 9% respectively. The
share of oil has remained constant at about 45%, hiding an increase in consumption of oil products in
the transport sector and decrease of the share of oil in the remaining sectors. This switch away from
coal and toward natural gas and renewables has had a marked effect on the emissions of CO2
and SO2.
Promotion of renewables
The share of renewable energy in various sectors in 1988 and 1997 is shown in the
table below:
Table 11.3
Use of renewable energy in various sectors. 1988 and 1997
|
1988 |
1997 |
Households |
14.2 PJ |
(7.7 %) |
15.8 PJ |
(8.5 %) |
Industry and service |
10.6 PJ |
(4.8 %) |
10.7 PJ |
(4.3 %) |
District heating and
Power production |
22.8 PJ |
(7.0 %) |
48.5 PJ |
(11.2 %) |
Note: the numbers in parentheses show the share of renewables in the sectors total
energy consumption
Utilisation of renewable forms of energy has been promoted strongly through a
combination of large tax differentials between fossil fuels and renewables, and through various
subsidy schemes as outlined in the previous chapter. The tax differential is only relevant for the
residential sector, as other sectors do not pay energy tax (except for the recent introduction of
energy tax for space heating in service and industry). Renewables account for around 8% of the final
energy consumption in the residential sector, but this share has remained practically unchanged over
the last decade.
The whole increase in the utilisation of renewables over the last decade stems from
the district heating and power production sector, where the use of renewables has more than doubled.
This increase is mainly attributable to direct regulation of the sector. Coal and oil fired district
heating plants have been instructed to convert to CHP plants using bio-fuels if the plants were
located outside the natural gas sector. This conversion has been supported by subsidies for
investments, as well as to electricity production. The central energy authorities have made agreements
with the power companies on the utilisation of straw as fuel in central power plants, and on
establishing the specified capacity of wind power.
Introduction of natural gas
A key contribution to the reductions of CO2 and SO2
emissions stems from the replacement of coal and oil with natural gas. The use of natural gas in the
various sectors in 1988 and 1997 is shown in the table below.
Table 11.4
Use of natural gas in various sectors. 1988 and 1997
|
1988 |
1997 |
Households |
13 PJ |
(7 %) |
28 PJ |
(15 %) |
Industry and service |
22 PJ |
(10 %) |
50 PJ |
(20 %) |
District heating and
Power production |
20.3 PJ |
(6 %) |
66 PJ |
(15 %) |
Note: the numbers in parentheses show the share of natural gas in the sectors total
energy consumption
As seen from the table, the consumption of natural gas has increased strongly over the
last decade, where the share of natural gas has doubled in all sectors. In the coming years the share
of natural gas in the power and CHP sector is set to increase further.
Although natural gas has been favoured by lower taxation, the end-user prices have
mainly been kept at the same level as the competing fuels inclusive applicable taxes. The large tax
difference between gas and oil products for the residential sector has thus not been transformed into
lower prices. The tax exemption of natural gas has benefited the gas companies as they could collect
the shadow tax, which effectively equalled a subsidy offered to gas sales. This has given
the gas companies incentives to a rapid and wide extension of the natural gas network. To increase
connection, the gas companies have offered potential customers targeted subsidies, e.g. in the form of
free installation of natural gas burners.
The sale of natural gas to industry has been done in mainly free competition with
alternative fuels, typically fuel oil, and energy taxes have had little importance. Since the
introduction of the CO2 tax for industry and the SO2
tax, the competitive position of natural gas has improved vis-à-vis other fossil fuels in the
industrial sector.
The use of natural gas for combined heat and power production has, to a large extent,
been directly regulated. As mentioned earlier, small-scale CHP plants in the natural gas supply area
had to use natural gas. Subsidies to electricity production are, however, also offered. For the large
power plants, the general line of the energy policy since Energy 2000 from the year 1990 has been to
ban new coal-fired plants, which effectively means that new plants should be gas fired. The
installation of new power plants with an electricity production capacity of more than 25 MW has to be
approved by the central energy authorities, and the technical design and fuel supply are a part of
this approval.
Switch to low-sulphur fuels
Coal and fuel oil are especially marketed with greatly varying levels of sulphur
content, e.g. in international markets. Fuel oil is typically found in a qualities with 1% or 3.5%
sulphur. In Denmark, fuel oil and coal is mainly used in the industry and the power production sector.
The sulphur content of fuel oil has been regulated though a maximum allowable limit of
1%. The recently introduced sulphur tax should give an incentive to market fuel oil qualities with
lower S-content. Today, fuel oil from the two Danish refineries are marketed with a S-content of 0.5%
and 0.69%, respectively, compared with 1% before the introduction of the SO2
tax.
The Danish power companies are using large quantities of coal. No SO2
tax is levied on coal for power production, but the total emissions are regulated through quotas which
are reduced year by year. To fulfil these quotas, the power companies have, among other measures,
purchased coal with a lower sulphur content.
Abatement technologies include processes where part of the sulphur is retained in the
ash e.g. fluegas cleaning, low NOx burners. There are, as earlier mentioned,
no economically feasible options for cleaning or removing CO2 .
For the electricity sector, adoption of appropriate measures to clean and remove SO2
and NOx from the fluegas are governed by quotas set by the central energy
authorities for emissions. Furthermore, in all new power plants, deSOx and deNOx equipment have to be
installed, i.e. equipment to remove the SOx and the NOx.
For the industry, the SO2 tax gives, in principle, an
incentive to implement measures to reduce SO2 emissions. However, as heavy
users of coal in a transition period are partly exempted from the tax, and as most options for
cleaning or removing SO2 emissions are rather costly, it is not likely that
the tax will have a significant effect in this regard in the following years.
The table below crudely attempts to summarise in which subsectors and for which
purposes, the economic instruments, as opposed to administrative regulations, have been used.
Table 11.5
Overview of the use of regulatory instruments in the energy sector
|
Measures to promote energy savings |
Measures to influence the choice of fuel |
Measures to promote for abatement |
Households |
High energy taxes plus selective subsidies
Regulations concerning building standards and household appliances |
Tax differentiation between fuels
Central planning of supply area for natural gas and district heating
Mandated connection to collective energy supply systems |
|
Industry |
Recent introduction of energy and environmental taxes
combined with subsidy schemes |
Tax differentiation between fuels (SO2,
CO2 taxes)
Limits on maximum sulphur content |
(SO2 tax might have an impact) |
Power production |
By law, the power sector is committed to engage actively in
energy savings |
Direct regulation of fuel choice
Subsidies to windmills |
Direct regulation and use of quotas for SO2
and NOx emissions |
District heating |
Mandated conversion to CHP.
General subsidies to investments and electricity production in small scale CHP
More favourable subsidies to green field small scale CHP projects |
Mainly direct regulation of fuel choice
Subsidies to bio-fuels and natural gas |
|
Note: The economic instruments are printed in italics
Both economic instruments and direct regulation have been used extensively in the
energy sector, but the relative importance of the two types of measures differs strongly between the
various subsectors.
Economic instruments have been widely used to influence the level of energy
consumption in the residential sector. High energy taxes, combined with various subsidy schemes, have
provided incentives for energy savings through connecting to the collective supply system. However,
these instruments have been used in a framework for the overall central planning of the collective
energy supply systems. For example, mandated connection of individual households to the natural gas
and large district heating systems has been used.
Industrial decisions on energy use have, until recently, only been very lightly
influenced by regulatory instruments. With the introduction of the tax reform in 1995, the use of
economic instruments are gaining importance with regard to the industrial energy consumption, where
especially, the development of industrial CHP has been increased, strongly due to subsidies.
Direct regulations have been the dominant type of instrument applied in the power
sector, to the extent that such regulation have involved extra cost. The electricity consumers have
borne them, as the electricity prices are regulated to cover all necessary costs.
The district heating sector has largely been subject to direct regulations, especially
with regard to the mandated conversion of district heating plants to CHP plants based on specified
types of fuels. To compensate district heating consumers, and to facilitate the conversion, large
subsidies have also been offered.
The present section aims at discussing the key administrative issues related to the
implementation and use of economic instruments in the Danish energy sector. The main focus will be put
on the administrative complexities introduced with the CO2 package of 1995.
The energy and environmental taxes are, as a general rule, levied as high as possible
in the distribution chain, where the number of companies is typically low, and the efforts to control
compliance therefore limited. For example, taxes on oil products are levied on the importer or the
refinery, and electricity taxes are levied on the power producing companies.
The Department of Customs and Excise is responsible for levying, collecting and
controlling, the payment of energy and environmental taxes.
When the levying of taxes are done at the level of oil imports/refining, it is not
possible to differentiate taxes at the moment of levying, according to the end-users and the type of
end-use, as it was outlined in section ??. Instead, the full energy and environmental taxes are paid
by the oil importer or refinery, and these taxes are fully reflected in the sales prices, irrespective
of the type of customer.
To achieve the earlier described differentiation of taxes between the type of
end-uses, the Department of Customs and Excise reimburse the part of the paid taxes to those
(VAT-registered enterprises) that should not pay the full tax. The repayments as a percentage of the
full taxes are summarised in the table below. The full taxes minus these repayments correspond to the
net energy taxes presented in section 11.5.
Table 11.6
Reimbursement schemes per sector (%), 1998
|
Households and the public sector |
Industry |
Energy sector |
|
Elec-
tricity |
Space heating |
Space heating |
Light process |
Heavy process |
Elec-
tricity |
Heat
production |
Energy tax |
|
|
|
100% |
100% |
|
|
CO2 tax |
0% |
0% |
10% |
75% |
100% |
0% |
SO2 tax |
|
|
|
0% |
0% |
|
|
Source: Based on AKF, 1997.
To simplify the system, the reimbursement of energy and environmental taxes are
administratively combined with the system for the collection of VAT, which includes all relevant
companies who are already registered with The Department of Customs and Excise. When reporting the VAT
account, the companies also calculate the reimbursable energy and environmental taxes paid during the
period in question.
To determine the repayment of taxes, the Department of Customs and Excise must know
the distribution of energy consumption between process and space heating. It is the individual
companies which have to report how the energy consumption is divided between these purposes. To
document the energy used for process purposes, the company must install the necessary meters. In the
absence of meters, the energy will be assumed to have been used for space heating and the full energy
and CO2 tax will apply. Companies using energy for process purposes, thus
have a strong incentive to install meters.
It is the role of the Department of Customs and Excise to control the allocation of
energy on the type of end-use. Companies which submit incorrect information or suppress relevant
information can be fined.
Before the introduction of differentiated tax rates depending on the end use of
industrial energy consumption (space heating versus process), the repayment of energy taxes was a
fairly mechanical administrative task. Now, the Department of Customs and Excise must, in principal,
control all enterprises that are using energy for process purposes. First of all, this concerns a
large number of enterprises, and secondly, the allocation of energy between space heating and process
is not always straight forward, e.g. disputes have concerned how to tax surplus heat from industrial
processes, when the surplus heat is used for space heating.
The CO2 taxation package from 1995 includes possibilities
for the further reduction of the CO2 tax for energy intensive enterprises.
If these enterprises enter into an agreement on implementing certain energy savings measures, the CO2
tax will be reduced to a level of 3% of the full value for energy used for heavy processes (and to a
level of 68% for light processes).
The Danish Energy Agency is responsible for the entering into and the elaboration of
these agreements on energy savings with the relevant enterprises. It is also the Danish Energy Agency
who is responsible for the actual payments of this further reduction of the CO2
tax. The administration of this part of the CO2 package has therefore been
assigned to the energy authorities, i.e. the Energy Agency.
The CO2 package from 1995 has increased the complexity of
the administrative procedures substantially. In connection with the proposal for adoption of the law,
it was estimated that the system would require an additional staff of 46 persons. Of these, the
majority would be required in the Danish Energy Agency to implement the agreements on energy savings
and to administer support to investments in energy savings.
The main aim of the CO2 tax package of 1995 was to
strengthen the incentives for energy savings/CO2 reductions in industry, as
that sector had previously been nearly exempt of all taxes. However, to avoid negative effects on the
competitiveness of the Danish industry, a distinction between space heating and process energy was
introduced.
This distinction adds a new dimension to the administration of energy taxes. Through
the whole life of energy taxes in Denmark, there have been different tax rates for different types of
end-users, but now different rates also apply for the energy consumption within the premises of
individual end-users.
The Department of Customs and Excise have to control the allocation of energy among
purposes within the individual companies, which demands new forms of knowledge concerning the energy
flow in the companies. The complexity of the system and the need to install meters, also increases the
companies costs.
The part of the CO2 package concerning agreements is a
targeted instrument to promote savings. For each relevant enterprise, the energy authorities have to
assess the energy savings potential, which, if the system is to work properly, also demands more
administrative personnel with a knowledge of industrial energy consumption issues.
The aim here is not to assess the CO2 package as such, but
only to point out that the increasingly targeted economic instruments also strongly increase the costs
of administration, for both the authorities and industry. This is, because it demands more and better
skilled personnel to ensure proper administration and that the systems function.
Notes:
Energy Statistics 1997, Danish Energy Agency
In 1999, DANGAS and one of the five distribution companies were merged
which changes the structure in part of the market.
Source: ENS statistic
The tax on electricity is calculated based on the energy taxes that would
result if electricity were produced by coal, with an overall efficiency of 35% at delivery to the final
consumer.
Energy consumption and CO2 emissions are
temperature corrected and adjusted for net foreign trade of electricity. The SO2
and NOx emissions are actual emissions, and the increase in 1996 is due to large
export of electricity.
Energy Statistics 1997, Danish Energy Agency
Annex 1: List of Abbreviations
ABS |
Automatic Break System |
BI-5 |
Biodegradable organic substances |
CFC |
Chlorofluoracarbons |
CHP |
Combined Heat and Power |
CO2 |
Carbon Dioxide |
DEPA |
Danish Environmental Protection Agency |
DH |
District Heating |
DKK |
Danish kroner. 1 EURO is about 7.5 DKK |
ECE |
Economic Committee for Europe |
EEA |
European Environment Agency |
EU |
European Union |
excl |
excluding |
GDP |
Gross Domestic Product |
GJ |
Giga-Joule |
ID-card |
Identification Card |
IEA |
International Energy Agency |
incl |
including |
kWh |
Kilo Watt hour |
LPG |
Liquified Petroleum Gases |
MDKK |
Million DKK |
MEE |
Ministry of Environment and Energy |
NGO |
Non Government Organisation |
NiCd |
Nickel-Cadmium |
NOx |
Nitrogen Oxides |
ODS |
Ozone Depleting Substances |
OECD |
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development |
PAE |
Potential Acid Equivalents |
PJ |
Peta-joule |
SO2 |
Sulphur |
tot-n |
Nitrogen |
tot-p |
Phosphorous |
UN |
United Nations |
US |
United States |
USD |
American dollar |
VAT |
Value Added Tax |
Annex 2: List of literature
AKF. AKF Nyt nr. 2, maj 1996
AKF: Survey of taxes and grants in the energy field (Kortlægning af
afgifter og tilskud inden for energiområdet.) Hans-Erik Kristoffersen, Jesper Munksgaard, Mette Jensen.
Oktober 1997.
COWI consult: Economic Instruments for Environmental Protection. The
Danish Experience and Environmental Policy in the Czech Republic.
Danish Environmental Protection Agency: Environmental Administration
in Denmark. Environment News No. 17, 1995
Danish Environmental Protection Agency: Hans S. Christensen, Financing
Environmental Infrastructure Danish Experience.
Danmarks Statistik: Miljøstatistik 1998, December 1998
Danske Elværkers Forening. Elforsyningen Ti-års statistik. Status
og tendenser. December 1996
Det Økonomiske Råd. Dansk Økonomi Efterår 1997.
Elpris Udvalget; Gas- og VarmeprisUdvalget. Energiprisorientering
statistik 1997.
Energistyrelsen. Energi 21. København marts 1997.
Energistyrelsen: Various materials concerning agreements for Energy
Efficiency. (Diverse materialer om indgåelse af aftaler om energieffektivisering.) 1997.
European Environment Agency: Environmental Taxes. Implementation and
Environmental Effectiveness. Environmental Issues Series No. 1. Copenhagen 1996
Finansministeriet. Grønne afgifter og erhvervene. København,
April 1994.
Finansministeriet. Grønne afgifter og erhvervene. København,
Februar 1995.
Finansministeriet. Miljøvurdering af Finanslovforslaget.
København, September 1997.
Finansministeriet. Samfundsøkonomisk vurdering af grønne
initiativer. København, April 1997.
Finansministeriet: Finanslov for finansåret 1998. Tekst og
Anmærkninger (ajourført) §§ 23-45
Finansministeriet: Green Taxes (Grønne afgifter og erhvervene. Oplæg
til regeringen. Februar 1995.)
Finansministeriet: Green Taxes (Grønne afgifter og erhvervene.) April
1994.
Hemmingsen, K.,Rasmussen, E.A., Hemmingsen, M.: Grønne afgifter.
Miljøafgifter som beskatningsinstrument. CO2-komplekset. Den grønne dimension.
Forlaget Magnus. April 1997
International Energy Agency: Energy Prices and Taxes. OECD,
Paris. 1997
Jensen, B. Miljøproblemer og velfærd, Spektrum 1996.
Jespersen, Jesper: Miljøøkonomi. Jurist- og Økonomforbundets
Forlag. 1998
Jänicke og Weidner: National Environmental Policies. A Comparative
Study of Capacity-Building. 1997.
Kristoffersen, Hans-Erik, Munksgaard, Jesper og Jensen, Mette. Kortlægning
af afgifter og tilskud inden for energiområdet. AKF rapport 1997.
Miljø & Energiministeriet: Natur- og miljøpolitisk redegørelse
1995. Juni 1995
Miljø og Energi Ministeriet : Natur- og miljøpolitisk redegørelse
1995, Miljø- og Energiministeriet 1995.
Miljøministeriet: Økonomiske styringsmidler i miljøpolitiken
en seminarrapport. Materiale fra et seminar den 4. februar 1985 arrangeret af Miljøministeriet
Miljøstyrelsen: The Danish Environmental Protection Agency in the Year
2002. Visions and Perspectives for a Developing Agency.
Ministry of Finance: Energy Tax on Industry in Denmark. December
1995
Ministry of the Environment: The Danish Environmental Strategy.
Copenhagen, May 1997
Mortensen, Jørgen Birk, Økonomisk Institut, Københavns Universitet og
Peter Birch Sørensen, Institut for Nationaløkonomi, Handelshøjskolen i København: Økonomiske
styringsmidler i miljøpolitikken. Miljøministeriet 1991
Møller, Flemming: Værdisætning af miljøgoder. Jurist- og
Økonomforbundets Forlag. 1996
Nordic Council of Ministers: The Use of Economic Instruments in Nordic
Environmental Policy. Draft May 1996.
Norges Offentlige Utredninger: Grønne skatter en politikk for
bedre miljø og høy sysselsetting. NOU 1996:9
OECD and IEA: Greenhouse Gas Emissions. The Energy Dimension.
1991
OECD: Environmental Taxes and Green Tax Reform. Paris, May 1997
OECD: Evaluating Economic Instruments for Environmental Policy. 1998.
OECD: Implementation of Strategies for Environmental Taxes.
Paris, January 1997
OECD: Implementation Strategies for Environmental Taxes. 1996.
OECD: Reforming Environmental Regulation in OECD Countries. Paris.
OECD: Taxation and Environment in European Economies in Transition. Paris
1994
Oksbjerg, Kjeld: Energibeskatningen i Danmark. Afgifter som
energipolitisk styringsmiddel og energien som skatteobjekt. AKF Forlaget 1989
Panayotou, Theodore: Economic Instruments for Environmental
Management and Sustainable Development. United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and Environment and
Economics Unit (EEU). Environmental Economics Series. Paper No. 16. December 1994
Regeringen. Erhvervene og energien. Regeringen april 1995
Regeringen: Ny kurs mod bedre tider sammendrag. Maj 1993
Retsinformation: Bekendtgørelse af lov om afgift af affald og
råstoffer. LBK nr. 335 af 10/05/1997 (gældende)
Retsinformation: Bekendtgørelse af lov om afgift af ledningsført
vand. LBK nr 675 af 13/07/1994 (gældende)
Retsinformation: Bekendtgørelse af lov om afgift af visse
chlorfluorcarboner og haloner (CFC-afgift). LBK nr 622 af 30/06/1994 (gældende)
Retsinformation: Bekendtgørelse af lov om afgift af visse
detailsalgspakninger og visse poser af papir eller plast m.v. LBK nr 623 af 30/06/1994 (gældende)
Retsinformation: Bekendtgørelse af lov om kuldioxidafgift af visse
energiprodukter. LBK nr. 856 af 24/09/1996 (gældende)
Retsinformation: Bekendtgørelse af lov om visse miljøafgifter.
LBK nr. 620 af 30/06/1994 (gældende)
Retsinformation: Lov om afgift af blyakkumulatorer og hermetiske
forseglede nikkel-cadmium-akkumulatorer (*1). Lov nr 414 af 14/06/1995 (gældende)
Retsinformation: Ministerial regulations for energy taxes on mineral oil
products (Bekendtgørelse af lov om energiafgift af mineralolieprodukter (benzinafgift) m.v. LBK nr 858 af
24/09/1996 (Gældende).
Retsinformation: Ministerial regulations for registration fees on motor
vehicles (Bekendtgørelse af lov om registreringsafgift af motorkøretøjer m.v. LBK nr. 741 af 22/9/1997.)
Retsinformation: Ministerial regulations for some environmental taxes
(Bekendtgørelse af lov om af visse miljøafgifter. LBK nr. 637 af 21/08/1998 (Gældende).
Retsinformation: Ministerial regulations for tax on motor vehicles
according to weight (Bekendtgørelse af lov om vægtafgift) LBK nr. 207 af 03/04/1998 (Gældende)).
Retsinformation: Tax laws on abatement means (Lov om afgift af
bekæmpelsesmidler) nr. 416 af 14/06/1995 (Gældende)
Retsinformation: Tax laws on abatement means (Lov om afgift af
bekæmpelsesmidler) nr. 416 af 14/06/1995.
Retsinformation: Tax laws on chemicals in packaging. (Lov om kemiske
stoffer og produkter i emballager.) Lov nr 834 af 21/12/1998.
Retsinformation: Tax laws on retail packaging (Lov om afgift af visse
detailsalgspakninger.) Lov nr. 422 af 26/06/1998.
Retsinformation: Tax laws on roads (Lov om vejafgift) nr. 956 af
25/11/1994.
SID. Grønne skatter og afgifter en vej til bedre miljø og
mere beskæftigelse. Rapport fra konference om grønne skatter i internationalt perspektiv. SID 1997.
SID. The General Workers Union in Denmark: Green Taxes and Duties. A
way towards a better environment and increased employment. Report on the conference about green taxes and
duties in international perspective. May 1997
Statistisk tiårsoversigt 1997. Tema om miljø. Danmarks
Statistik 1997.
The Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Environment
and Energy: Denmarks policies on the environment. 1997
Told- og Skattestyrelsen: Various material on CO2 taxes (Diverse
materialer vedrørende CO2 afgiften.)
Trafikministeriet. Regeringens handlingsplan for reduktion af
transportsektorens CO2-udslip. Trafikministeriet 1996.
Winter, Søren: Offentlig forvaltning i Danmark. Implementering og
effektivitet. Forlaget Systime. September 1994
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