Water Prices in CEE and CIS Countries. Volume II: Case Studies

Chapter 4.
Institutional Framework and Political Acceptability Analysis.

This chapter is based on interviews with City Administration officials and representatives of political parties, and the political acceptability of increases in cold water tariffs is discussed.

4.1 The framing of the water issue

There is no doubt an intention among prominent representatives of the city administration to increase water tariffs. This intention is due to a principal acknowledgement of the rationale of full costrecovery. The administration would, in principle, also prefer, that the repayment of the EBRD loan could be covered by revenue generated solely by the Kaliningrad Vodokanal, - and not by the city budget / tax payers in general.

However, these considerations should be viewed in contrast to those which tend to lead to a slow adoption of a cost recovery policy, namely:
Widespread concern over the social impact, i.e. that higher water tariffs are unaffordable to major segments of the population;
The lack of an automatic inflation adjustment mechanism for water tariffs and the fact that water tariff changes have been irregular since 1996;
The fact that if the cost of municipal services make up 19% or more of a household net income, this household is entitled to a social subsidy. This will lead to some spill over of higher tariffs in higher municipal expenditures for social purposes. The benefits of targeted subsidies do not seem to be appreciated by politicians and city administration officials.
Apparently, at Federal level, it is currently being discussed whether the date for full cost recovery for municipal services from the year 2003 should be postponed until the year 2008. This lessens the pressure on the Kaliningrad political-administrative system to implement full cost recovery tariffs;
The city administration has not yet developed a strategy on how to implement a costrecovery policy for the water and wastewater services. It is our impression that the City is finding it very difficult to decide how to deal with the many conflicting objectives;
Some of the civil servants interviewed have a rather relaxed or realistic attitude towards the water tariff issue, stating that full-cost allocation to the consumers easily may take a period of 10 years to achieve.
Part of the city administration seems quite prepared to repay the water loans (partly) via the city budget, if the tariffs do not generate a sufficient revenue stream the coming years. However, it is not clear to the team whether the city has calculated how this would impact on their ability to maintain other expenditures.

4.2 The service level issue

Representatives of political parties see the drinking water quality issue as being very high on the political agenda in Kaliningrad. Drinking water quality is particularly discussed in terms of regularity of supply and hygienic water quality. There is a wide spread perception (which is partly wrong as discussed above) that it is unhealthy to drink the water in Kaliningrad.

Surprisingly there is limited concern among political representatives about the absence of wastewater treatment in Kaliningrad. However, the population interviewed assigns high priority to achieving a clean aquatic environment in the river and bay.

This "bias" in the perception of what is important, in relation to the cost structure of the proposed project has implications for the way in which the benefits of the project and the tariff increases, resulting from the project, should be presented. It seems that there is a need to emphasise the benefits of the wastewater treatment component and to consider, carefully, how the tariff increases are explained to the po-pulation.

4.3 Tariffs regulations

A number of federal regulations influence revenues from municipal utilities. In our view these federal regulations are not always clear. They may be subject to interpretation and they may in certain cases be internally inconsistent.

The key regulations are:
Decree of the President of the RF dated April 28, 1997, #425 «On the reform in the communal services in the Russian Federation»;
Ordinance # 66 «On introducing a regional standards (for 1999) of transition into a new system of payments for communal services in Kaliningrad Oblast» issued by Head of Kaliningrad Oblast Administration on February 16, 1999.

According to the presidential decree and its regional implementation:
the share of payments by the population for communal services is (to be) 60% of the total costs of communal services (maintenance and repair of houses, including capital; heat supply, water supply, gas supply, electricity supply); and
the maximum allowable share of household expenditure for (payment for) houses and communal services in total household income, calculated based on social norm of consumption of communal services - is (to be) 19%2.

Furthermore, the payments of municipal services is regulated by:
Regulations No.5- Ö3 «On veterans», No. 181- Ö3 «On social protection of invalids in the Russia Federation», No.3062-1 «On social protection of population which was influenced by radiation due to Chernobyl Nuclear Power Station catastrophe», No.1761-1 «On rehabilitation of victimised people due to political repression», No. 98- Ö3 «On the status of the heroes of USSR and RF and Cavalier of Order of Honor of 1st, 2nd and 3rd degree», etc. and by privileges to 43 specified segments of the population stating that households belonging to these groups only pay a part (typically 50%) of the water and wastewater tariff, cf. list in Appendix 2. The rest is to be paid by federal and municipal authorities to the Vodokanal.

4.4 Tariffs for municipal services

In general, all municipal services are paid according to norms, though there are about three thousand households which pay for cold water according to the meters. Only gas and electricity are paid according to consumption. Table 4.1 illustrates the costs of municipal services plus gas and electricity. As an example we have chosen the costs for one person living in a one-room apartment. Specific costs will depend on the number of persons and the size of the apartment as well as on actual consumption for gas and electricity.

Table 4.1:
Cost of municipal services in Kaliningrad 01 Nov 1999 - one person living in a one-room apartment

1. This is the full cost recovery level calculated officially. It may differ to what one would consider "full cost recovery" using international accounting standards. In addition, prices have been evaluated at local prices and not at border prices. For example the price of electricity is low compared to international prices.
2. The gas consumption norm is deviate from 1.3 to 28 m3 a month (and depends on availability of central heating, hot water, type of heater for hot water, type of apartments' heating) with monthly payments (1 person) of 11.7 25.2 RUR, in the case of meter installed - the price of gas is - RUR 0.8 per 1 m3. In the case of gas heating of apartments a person should pay RUR 2.93 per 1 m2 of apartment, while the consumption norm is 6.5 m3 a month by 1 person, in the case of meter installed the household should pay RUR 0.55 per 1 m3.

The table illustrates that the level of cost recovery differs widely from service to service. For most of the services the cost recovery is above the 60% mentioned in the presidential decree, but the present cost recovery is quite low for central heating and hot water3. Furthermore, the table illustrates that even using official full cost recovery figures consumers still only pay approximately one third of the "full cost" of these services. As a total this seems to be significantly below the 60% mentioned in the presidential decree.

Both characteristics indicate that the price of municipal services is set through a negotiation process rather than as the result of clear and transparent regulations.

4.5 A note on social considerations

Social considerations are high on the agenda of policy makers and administrators in Kaliningrad. Table 4.2 illustrates the share of the cost of municipal services in total income for two typical family types.

Table 4.2:
Monthly cost of municipal services, gas and electricity relative to income for two typical household types - Kaliningrad 01 Nov 1999

The table illustrates that social considerations are very important in order to assess the affordability of full cost recovery of municipal services because the ability to pay full cost recovery tariffs differs widely between socio-economic groups. A typical pensioner will clearly not be able to pay full cost recovery tariffs. At the same time a typical wage earner may still pay a smaller share (of a higher income) if he had to pay full cost recovery tariffs for all municipal services than the typical pensioner pays today. The issue is further elaborated in Chapter 6.

There are currently two types of regulation in force to protect the weaker social groups. One regulation states that persons who can demonstrate that their expenditure for municipal services exceeds 19% of their income can apply for a subsidy. Only few households (approximately 4,000 households or 2% of the total) have applied for such a subsidy.

The lists of so-called privileged categories of the population constitute the other regulation. In Kaliningrad 43 groups composed of between 5 persons and more than 60,000 persons generally pay only 50% of the expenditure for municipal services.

4.6 The tariff setting process

The Kaliningrad municipal authorities are responsible for setting and inflation-correcting the water tariffs. Until mid 1996, the tariffs were corrected for inflation on a quarterly basis but since then the adjustments have become fewer and correspondingly more drastic.

4.6.1 Description of current situation

The tariff setting process is illustrated in Figure 4.1.

Figure 4.1:
Overview of current tariff setting process

Several aspects should be noted. Firstly, no direct political influence is exercised, as it is not within the competence of the city council to deal with water tariffs. The decision-making is very much an internal administrative affair that invol-ves a range of city administration departments.

Secondly, no anti-monopoly authorities are involved. The Price Control Unit somehow guards consumers' interests. However, this unit should also serve the interest of the Vodokanal; hence it sees itself primarily as the one securing that proper decisions in line with tariff formulas are being taken rather than "the consumers voice".

Thirdly, the process is closed. Neither environmental groups nor industry representatives have a say during the process. The representatives of the organisations that we have interviewed express that, not only do they have no influence on water tariff policy, they have very little information about ongoing discussions about the water and wastewater service level and tariffs. In that way the city administration "protects" itself from the Non-Governmental Organisations. The cost hereof may be that the rationale of water pricing is not being spread widely within the civil society.

Fourthly, the current system of setting tariffs effectively leaves the Mayor's office with the right to veto the tariff.

Finally, it should be remarked that a number of departments within the city administration have to approve the new tariffs. Until now, this has taken place informally but also somewhat chaoticly. Therefore a new structure, which is briefly described below, has been planned.

4.6.2 The Proposed Inter-Departmental Co-ordination Unit

It is currently under consideration whether to establish an inter-departmental coordination unit aimed at formalising, what is now an informal, co-ordination and negotiation process between the departments. The departments should be represented by high-ranking civil servants having autonomy and "weight" to take decisions on behalf of the department that they represent. The interdepartmental co-ordination unit will also include the representatives from the largest enterprises in the city. For an overview of the new structure see Figure 4.2.

Figure 4.2:
The proposed structure for the water tariff setting process

The proposed structure is justified on the grounds that water tariff increases have several practical consequences and therefore should be co-ordinated. If this is the case the new structure definitely seems logical and is an improvement vis-à-vis the existing situation.

Rather than being a purely technical-administrative forum the new unit could develop into an arena for bureaucratic policy-making where the various departments would seek to maximise influence over the direction and content of the water pricing policy. In order to avoid this, it is important that the politicians lay out unambiguous principles for water pricing to secure that the new forum only performs the role of coordination.

4.6.3 Who actually decides water tariffs?

Similarly to the situation in other Russian towns, the Vodokanal in Kaliningrad has very little autonomy in proposing (or setting) water tariffs compared to the wa-ter and wastewater utilities in the CEE.

The municipal administration, which formally is responsible for approving new tariffs, is constrained by a number of federal regulations. Perception of the rigidity of these constraints differs. A number of persons interviewed within the administration including the Price Control Unit of the Housing and Communal Services Department have expressed that the federal regulations on tariff setting leave little room for interpretation and negotiation. However, we do not share this view.

In our opinion, the tariff setting process has many characteristics of a political / administrative bargaining process under unclear (and dynamic) rules. We base this judgement on the design of the tariff setting process, the many revisions to tariff proposals which occur during each "round" of tariff approval and the lack of consistency in adherence to federal regulations. The latter may be exemplified by the wide difference in officially calculated cost recovery between, say, hot and cold water, cf. Table 4.1 above. The federal regulation does not distinguish in between hot and cold water.

The Mayor, who is able to veto any proposal and the Vice Mayors and Heads of Departments who have to approve the tariff proposals each have significant influence on the tariff setting process. Their influence is enhanced by the close character of the process.

Politicians, environmental groups, consumer and industry representatives have little or no direct influence on the process of setting water and wastewater service levels and tariffs. Effectively politicians, NGOs, consumer and industry representatives who want to influence the process will have to attempt to influence the process directly via the Mayor or via these bureaucrats.

4.6.4 Conclusions

In relation to the tariff setting process three conclusions emerge:
Due to the complexity and lack of internal consistency between the regulations, in reality the issue of setting of water tariffs is negotiable. However, a large number of actors are actually or potentially involved.
Water tariffs cannot be analysed in isolation, but must be analysed jointly with tariffs for other public services such as rent, heating and power.
There are two reasons for the latter point:
Household budgets are so tight that ability to pay for one municipal service depends on the cost of the other. Households for which total costs surpass the threshold of 19% of income are eligible for a subsidy. Thus simultaneous changes in charges for municipal services may have spin-off effects on municipal expenditures through the subsidy mechanism. These spin-off effects need to be taken into account.
The regulations formally link the tariffs together (stating that on average there should be 60% cost recovery).

Serious consideration should be given to a mechanism that automatically causes the cost of water and other municipal services to be indexed in order to avoid a renewed gradual reduction in water prices resulting from a cumbersome approval process.

4.7 The political - administrative acceptability of higher water tariffs

It is our impression that water pricing in isolation is not a well-defined political issue. Politically, the water tariff issue is assessed jointly with tariffs for other municipal service and broader socio-economic policy concerns, such as growth and employment, taxation structure etc. This is true both for those political parties such as the "Pensioners Party", which is very concerned with the socio-economic situation of the population in a traditional sense, and for parties like Jabloko, which combines their concern for the socioeconomic situation of the population with a perception of the need to transform the economy towards greater use of market mechanism. As discussed in Chapter 6 there is clearly an issue of af-for-da-bility for large segments of the population in Kaliningrad.

We were informed that the 150% tariff increase, implemented during the summer of 1999, caused some reactions from the general public in the forms of letters and telephone calls to the city administration and quite some press coverage. However, judging from interviews with ordinary citizens there is widespread appreciation that the water tariffs had not been increased for a long period prior to the July 1999 increase and that water tariffs had "fallen" behind the prices of other utilities such as electricity.

Some interviewees expressed that psychologically it is not recommendable to impose few but drastic changes. Rather, these interviewees preferred to return to the pre-1996 situation where water tariffs were adjusted on a quarterly basis.

Furthermore, there was a sentiment that if the public was informed properly and in due time, before the tariff increases and if these were clearly linked to the investment project, it would be easier for the public to accept the tariff increases. On the other hand, the complicated process of increasing tariffs may argue in favour of a few drastic increases until the desired level of "real" water tariffs has been established. However, if the full cost-recovery principle was to be implemented and costs should include the cost of operating, maintaining and servicing the loan of the investment project this would be likely to result in a tripling of the water tariffs (from Nov. 1999 level) over a short period of time. In this case the issue may most likely emerge as a salient political issue.

4.8 The link between water tariffs and municipal expenditures

In Kaliningrad there are a couple of links between the level of the water tariffs and the municipal expenditures.

As far as we understand, the city has agreed, as part of the contract with the EBRD, to meet any shortfall in debt servicing by the Vodokanal from the municipal budget. In this way, a shortfall in Vodokanal revenue (for whatever reason including an insufficient increase in the tariffs) will be fully offset by an increase in municipal expenditures for debt servicing. Thus, the city administration may decide that on the margin it is beneficial for the general taxpayers to pay for the improved water services rather than for water consumers to pay. As mentioned above, parts of the city administration believes this to be the right policy. It has not been part of our TOR to assess whether this is a realistic policy in terms of the expected municipal revenues and competing expenditure demands.

When the household water tariff is increased it affects all households, both those who can afford to pay and those who cannot. For 43 privileged groups, 50% of the increase is transformed into an obligation which the federation or the municipality is to pay to the Vodokanal. Since the federation traditionally does not pay their obligation, the full 50% of the increase is de facto transformed into an obligation which the municipality is to pay. The 43 privileged groups constitute approximately 50% of the population; hence the municipality effectively is obliged to pay 25% of any revenue increase resulting from increased tariffs. In practice this obligation to pay is cancelled out against Vodokanal payables to the municipality.

Finally, citizens may apply for a subsidy for the part of their communal services, which exceeds 19% of their income. The procedure is cumbersome for the citizen and currently only used by approx. 2% of all households, although a much higher share of households is likely to be entitled to such a subsidy. Thus an increase in water tariffs may trigger a higher propensity to apply for this subsidy.

It would be possible for the city administration to calculate the effects on the city expenditures under different assumptions about price increases, Vodokanal revenues, and about the propensity to apply for subsidies. However, such calculations are apparently not being made.

2 It is not clear from the text whether communal services, in the last bullet, also include gas and electricity. Generally, these services are not considered to be communal services. In the Presidential Decree "On the reform in the communal services in the Russian Federation" it is written that payments for gas and electricity supply are included into the subsidy calculation.
    
3 It is not clear from the text whether communal services, in the last bullet, also include gas and electricity. Generally, these services are not considered to be communal services. In the Presidential Decree "On the reform in the communal services in the Russian Federation" it is written that payments for gas and electricity supply are included into the subsidy calculation.